Congress dilemma: Why Rahul Gandhi must decide the Party’s future now
Two decades in politics is not a small period. Though the learning curve never ceases to exist, the time comes in the life of a political leader to give a real account of himself or herself and accordingly take tough decisions. Such a situation cannot be allowed to linger on forever in view of the dynamically changing political landscape.
Ironically, after two decades of active politics and, in between, an unsuccessful bid for the presidency of India’s oldest political party, the Indian National Congress, Mr Rahul Gandhi still finds himself at a crossroads. Which way to go and which road to take — he seems to be stuck in a dilemma.
He has allowed himself to become the de facto chief of the party, and at the same time his close aides take pains to deflect this perception by painstakingly reminding the country that Mr Mallikarjun Kharge is the fully elected president of the party. There is no denying this fact, but ground realities point in a different direction.
Mr Kharge has been Congress president for over three years after defeating Mr Shashi Tharoor, with the full support of Mr Gandhi and his family. Everyone knows that Mr Kharge’s candidature was openly backed by Mrs Sonia Gandhi, which set the course for the poll outcome. Ever since, Mr Tharoor, being suspect in the eyes of Gandhi-camp backers, has acquired the status of a rebel, while Mr Gandhi remains the de facto boss calling the shots.
Whatever Mr Gandhi did during the last three years (Mr Kharge’s tenure) naturally has his stamp, and whatever he did not do also bears his stamp. The “not doing” part pertains to indecisiveness - be it taking over the mantle as Congress president, bringing far-reaching organisational changes, or implementing his own words expressed from time to time. He must take equal credit or blame for decisions taken or not taken.
Solo acts without the backing of a solid organisation will not take you very far, Mr Gandhi. Nor will closing your eyes to rejuvenating the Congress.
This prolonged paradox has now begun manifesting dangerously and is desperately awaiting a rescue act. On the contrary, the situation has become more serious, with the positive impact generated by Mr Gandhi’s strenuous Bharat Jodo Yatras (BJYs) almost on the verge of evaporation. In the absence of a follow-up plan, and with deeply divided party units from the AICC down to the states and Union Territories failing to effectively take Mr Gandhi’s message to the grassroots level, the historic event is slipping into oblivion.
The BJP’s sleeper cells are merrily running PCCs in many states and UTs.
If this reflects Mr Gandhi’s shortcomings, it is also an abject failure of his support team, who work in close proximity to him, either in sustaining on the ground the aftermath of such gigantic programmes or in tendering impactful advice to him. The oft-repeated complaint in AICC circles, and a question frequently asked in public, is: “Who are Mr Gandhi’s advisers?” No one knows the answer.
Yet another common refrain is the inaccessibility of him and his AICC team, particularly the general secretary (organisation), Mr KC Venugopal, to party leaders and the rank and file — let alone the public at large. This is a jarring situation, which none other than Mr Gandhi himself can tackle. He has to set a new model, through personal example, to be followed by others down below. He has a multifaceted personality with a strong knowledge base, but most of the time he misses the point that being a leading political light entails leading from the front through personal example.
His fight for the marginalised sections of society is commendable, and it has been his quest to bring the core support base back to the Congress. A missing balanced approach - caring for all and antagonising none - has led to this quest creating a buzz but not accruing any electoral benefits. This is something Mr Gandhi must sit and mull over.
The political situation in the country is dynamic and changing fast, with serious questions being raised about the thinking, policies, and planning of the Narendra Modi government - more importantly, about its handling of the social fabric of society.
The unfortunate episode involving Swami Avimukteshwarananda ji, Shankaracharya of Jyotish Peeth, at the Prayagraj Magh Mela - where he sat on dharna protesting against alleged insult by the administration, with no word of pacification coming either from Prime Minister Mr Modi or UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath - has added new grist to the political whirlwind. This is a serious development which Congress cannot ignore, particularly in the face of the aggressive Hindutva agenda of Mr Modi and the Shankaracharya questioning its veracity.
Unfortunately, the Congress does not seem prepared to act in consonance, or preferably remain a step ahead of the situation, amid these fast-paced developments. In contrast, the BJP and the Modi government’s fire-fighting techniques are ever ready, rediscovering ways at a fast pace to repeatedly turn the tables.
The Congress and Mr Gandhi must shun lethargy if he is to remain in the game. There are misdemeanours of the ruling dispensation, such as the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls and various other measures that tilt the balance in its favour, thereby preventing a level playing field. Mr Gandhi’s fight on this front is laudable, but nothing will succeed without setting his own house in order. He cannot be seen as fighting as a loner, but as a leader heading a strong pack, which he must develop speedily.
Firstly, he must clear his mind on whether he wishes to perpetuate the current de facto model of Congress leadership, intends to lead from the front, or is prepared to give a chance to someone else. In any situation, decision-making should not become a casualty. It is because of indecisiveness and opaqueness in the AICC’s functioning that things have worsened by the day.
Someone might say that even Mr Modi is far removed from the BJP’s rank and file, yet his graph has been rising for the past decade. The strong organisational system, backup support, and capacity to take hard decisions make the difference in his case. There is a multi-tier mechanism in the saffron party’s organisational setup which keeps both Mr Modi and his party going through all seasons.
An opposition leader like Mr Gandhi, who is continuously under the scanner of his political opponents, cannot afford the luxury of remaining oblivious to emerging situations or the challenges with which his own party has been beset. There is a strong case for transition and generational change, which he ostensibly wishes to pursue. It requires courage, conviction, fortitude, flexibility, and, at the same time, the will to take strong decisions.
