Punjab needs solutions, not electoral engineering

Electorally capturing unchartered territories to expand the BJP's footprint, the ends mattering more than the means, has been top on the party's agenda since 2014. Although the party recently registered a convincing victory in West Bengal, hitherto an unknown territory for the saffron outfit, though the story is still unfolding amidst cries and complaints of electoral manipulations, it failed to simultaneously repeat the feat in Kerala and Tamil Nadu. One at a time! Many feel that the powerful duo of Mr Narendra Modi and Mr Amit Shah would have run a greater risk of simultaneously managing the three territories hostile to the BJP due to its overlording Hindi and Hindutva agenda. Could be, under the circumstances West Bengal was the best pick than further antagonizing the southern India. So, the focus on West Bengal as the party already has strong imprint in the Eastern sector.

The coming set of assembly elections in 2027 includes Punjab which has rejected BJP, though it made some inroads in the past in coalition with Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) under the late veteran leader Mr Parkash Singh Badal, in its solo attempts and had to be content playing a poor second fiddle. The political dictionary of the BJP in its present manifestation knows no such word. And the only strong driving force is how to win a race solo rather than running in a relay exchanging batons. First a word of caution on how not to deal with Punjab! Don't deal with Punjab with kid-gloves and shun political and electoral experimentation that could push the state again to the brink of crisis. It should not be forgotten that Punjab extricated itself from the bloody days of terrorism with great difficulty and at a greater cost. Not to forget, it is currently in the grip of worrying drug menace and farm sector distress with agitated farmers on the road. Economy as such is posing a daunting challenge. Punjab is definitely not West Bengal, though the two states have a glorious history of making sacrifices in the Freedom Struggle, and it is certainly not Kashmir. It has its own peculiar strategic, geographic and geo-political positioning with a long history of armed struggles and wars against marauding invaders. Any "political invasion" would have dangerous consequences.

Let there be a free and fair election without any coercive attempt. Let the electoral battle take its natural course with free will of the people of Punjab. Draw a 'Luxman Rekha' even indulging in political machinations, with Mr Modi's popular slogan of "nation first" to be the guiding light. Every political party is well within its rights to plan electoral strategies and so is the BJP but with certain riders. The party has been making vigorous efforts since 2014 to make its presence felt in Punjab but with almost no success. Let the desperation not overtake everything else above all the national interest and that of Punjab. 

This could be gauged from the fact that Mr Arun Jaitely contested 2014 Lok Sabha elections from Amritsar and lost. He could have easily won from any constituency in Delhi. In 2019  Hardeep Singh Puri tried his luck from the same constituency only to lose badly. The pattern was repeated in 2024, when India's former ambassador to the USA,   Taranjit Singh Sandhu, entered the electoral arena, again from Amritsar but lost.  Fielding high-profile candidates without any credible local leadership did no good to the BJP in finding its feat. All this while their urban base (mostly RSS supporters) oscillated between BJP-SAD combine and Congress. 

At crucial times they strategically voted for Congress in anger against either BJP or the SAD due to local factors. On top of this, Haryana chief minister Mr Nayab Saini has visited Punjab 70 times during the last few months. Supporting a turban (symbolising Sikhism), reports suggested he is also learning Punjabi, he seems to be out to strengthen the BJP's position among the OBCs with 31 percent population. Though he himself is an OBC but he has no standing in Punjab. However, the BJP, ever since, has gone on a different trajectory, which was glaringly visible in Maharashtra and now in West Bengal, to import leaders from other established parties and manipulate majority. This had begun two years back with senior Congress leader Captain Amrinder Singh joining BJP along with his close aides. Later, former Congress MP from Ludhiana and grandson of ex Punjab chief minister Mr Beant Singh, who was assassinated by the terrorists while in office, was also tapped by the BJP bosses and was made a union minister via the Rajya Sabha route. On ground such moves have not brought any change to the BJP's fortune and instead caused their further alienation from the people. Captain Amrinder Singh is well past his prime and has been ignored, by his own admission, and left sulking by the BJP leadership. Mr Bittu has lowered his image in the eyes of the people of Punjab. 

All other sundry characters who joined BJP from Congress, SAD or Aam Aadmi Party, are lying by the wayside. Under the circumstances  Amit Shah's public proclamation that BJP will fight election on its own fielding candidates on all 117 seats, has to be viewed seriously. Such statements are usually part of his psychological warfare, but these also convey a possible design akin to West Bengal. 

The contesting political parties particularly the ruling BJP, with its strong thrust on nationalism and national security, should not lose sight of the fact that Punjab is a frontline state with sensitive international border. An instable Punjab, as was seen in the past, could be detrimental to the national security. They should also not lose sight of the fact that Punjab's economy is under severe stress, with mounting public debt and an economic slowdown that has choked local enterprise. The restive youth due to unemployment is another grave challenge staring BJP and other political parties in the eye, which they can lose sight of at their own peril. A unique multi-cornered battle seems to be on the cards across 117 seats as the ruling AAP led by Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, is distressfully fighting to retain its fortress. Defending its governance model against a multi-pronged assault, AAP faces a deeply determined Congress aiming to reclaim its traditional stronghold. Concurrently, the SAD fights for its political revival, while the BJP seeks to expand its footprint in the agrarian state. The election hinges on pressing economic challenges, agrarian issues, and whether AAP's welfare initiatives can secure it a consecutive term. Manipulations and machinations have little or no space under the prevailing circumstances.