Punjab and J and K crisis exposes Congress’s leadership paralysis
As a Punjab watcher described the assembly poll-bound state as a "low hanging" fruit for the Congress which the party should strategize to grab the opportunity with both the hands, the mismanagement and mismatch between the thinking of the central and state leaderships and the resultant crisis has put a spanner in the Grand Old Party's (GOP's) chance to stage a comeback in the strategically located state. How to manufacture a crisis afresh and how to mishandle the situation? This seems to have, since sometime back, become the USP of the Congress. And the current turmoil in Punjab, closely followed by Jammu and Kashmir, unit is a glaring example of this.
Well, severe factionalism in GOP's state and Union Territory units and repeated failure of the clueless AICC leadership to stem the rot has a serious reflection in Punjab. It is a classic example of half a dozen chief ministerial hopefuls pulling in different directions but strategically joining hands to "challenge the authority of the high command." Instead of effectively mediating the central leadership seemed content offering peace-meal solutions and ultimately resorting to status quo. This has further aggravated the situation. In states and UTs where the Congress has been facing such crisis, the factionalism has been allowed to foment with encouragement from the AICC quarters particularly the state/UT in-charges. The two classic examples are Punjab and adjoining J and K. The common denominator between the two is that PCC chief, Mr Amrinder Singh Warring (Punjab) and Mr Tariq Hamid Karra (J & K) being the hand-picked choice of Mr Rahul Gandhi. And there lies the problem and from where stems the argument of the central leadership's authority being under challenge. And, let Mr Gandhi take a decision to remove such PCC chiefs, lest "we" end up antagonizing him. This is quite a fallacious argument furthered by some strategists sitting in the AICC in the name of protecting their leader. The argument stands no ground when viewed in the light of performance, on ground, of the incumbent PCC chiefs. After all, Mr Gandhi must have appointed Mr Warring and Mr Karra to strengthen the organization on which they seem to have failed. While the former has been the PCC chief for three years and the latter nearly two years.
No doubt there are other reasons behind factionalism. As reflected both in Punjab and J and K, the issue of prime concern to Mr Gandhi should be the tendency of AICC representatives, including general secretary (organization) and the in-charges to ignore multiple opinions in the PCC before taking a realistic decision. Punjab and J and K have to be viewed from the prism of this horrific syndrome of perpetuating the crisis and hiding behind Mr Gandhi's name by avoiding acquainting him with ground realities. This is reflected in the view of some senior Congress leaders that Delhi no longer sees the Punjab crisis purely through the prism of Mr Warring's performance. Instead, the larger concern is the authority of the high command itself.
Both Mr Warring and Mr Karra have badly fumbled to achieve the very objective, to rebuild party organisations in their respective domains, which Mr Gandhi must have wanted them to do. The poll-bound Punjab has assumed a greater significance since Congress has been battered by repeated electoral defeats and prolonged infighting. And snow is the chance of redemption. What is the harm if Mr Gandhi, properly informed about the ground realities by the in-charges and the committees sent to such states and UTs from time to time to quell the factional wars, reviewed his decision? Where is the ego hassle if an incumbent is removed on grounds of failure to deliver goods, maybe due to wrong approach and style of functioning? No harm! It is in the fitness of things that to protect his nominee PCC chiefs, the set of AICC leaders do not sully his name.
The entire gamut of approach in dealing with states and UTs, particularly embroiled in crisis, needs to be drastically changed. Not always but most of the time, the AICC-appointed missions to such areas adopt a conveniently tailor-made approach rather than basing their reports on the actual ground realities. As a result, with invocation of Mr Gandhi's becoming a protective gear, the visiting committees are seen sheltering the incumbents. Wherever such committees give their findings based on the ground realities, it hardly favours the central leadership.
In the case of Punjab, a three-member committee led by AICC treasurer and an old warhorse, Mr Ajay Maken, had submitted a report resting on their interaction with a sizable section of Punjab leaders including rebels. Reports suggest that the Maken committee had clearly pointed out that an overwhelming majority opinion was in favour of replacing Mr Warring with former chief minister, Mr Charanjit Singh Channi. As the situation in Punjab stands, Mr Warring stands totally isolated and seems to be in no position to lead the divided house into 2027 assembly elections. How and why the central leadership, Mr Maken himself being among the top leaders in the party hierarchy, has ignored his panel's recommendation, and at what level, it is still not known. Whether Mr Gandhi, who has just returned from a two-week sabbatical abroad, has seen the report or not? Intriguingly, the strong AICC coterie overlooked the Maken committee's recommendation, reflecting the majority view in the Punjab Congress. No time was lost announcing retention of Mr Warring as the PCC chief, and appointing Mr Channi and other rebel leaders as heads of other sundry committees in preparation for elections in total rejection of the recommendations.
The factional feud has reached a level of no return and the argument that the AICC's (read Mr Gandhi) authority will get eroded if Mr Warring is removed holds no good. The authority will, in fact, get strengthened if a decision is taken in line with the party's best interests. In cases such as Punjab and an equally strategic J and K, the central authority of the party should make a decisive mediation effort at the highest levels. Any delay will result in Congress losing valuable ground to the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Punjab, and giving more strength to BJP in its stronghold of Jammu region, and the National Conference and Peoples Democratic Party in the Kashmir Valley.
Since Punjab and J and K are sailing in the same boat, the developments in the former are bound to impact Congress in the neighbouring Jammu and Kashmir. This is more so because rebel leaders Mr Channi and former deputy chief minister, Mr Sukhjinder Singh Randhawa, represent Lok Sabha constituencies adjoining Jammu region, and had played an important role (though partisan) in the last assembly election in the UT.
The writer is a political analyst; Views presented are personal.
