Having failed to harp on issues of national security and development, the BJP is once again playing the Hindutva card to woo voters. It is to be seen if this cafeteria approach of the party will click this time or not

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) seems to have gone back to focus on its Hindutva card in the midst of the ongoing Lok Sabha polls, shifting its gear from development. The two themes are still running parallelly but Hindutva has come into sharper focus with two phases of the polls being concluded. This was evident from the fact that the party took a conscious decision to field the high-profile Sadhvi Pragya Thakur in Bhopal against former Chief Minister Digvijay Singh. From the BJP’s point of view, Pragya Thakur’s candidacy serves two purposes: First, this is a direct confrontation with a formidable Congress leader Digvijay Singh. Second, it will have resonance not only in Madhya Pradesh but also in neighboring States, including Maharashtra. Though the names of two former Chief Ministers, Uma Bharti and Shivraj Singh Chouhan, were doing the rounds for the Bhopal seat, the party chose Sadhvi, presumably at the behest of the RSS. The Sangh Parivar is said to have sent messages to sadhus to mobilise electoral support for the BJP in the current polls. Some time back, the same sadhus had criticised the Modi Government for not building the Ram temple in Ayodhya.

Defending the BJP’s move to field Pragya, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that her candidature was a “symbolic answer” to all those who have dubbed the rich Hindu civilisation as a “terrorist” and asserted that “this symbol will prove costly for the Congress.” To recall, the Sadhvi has been charged under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) over her alleged role in a terror act but was released on bail; though the NIA court, hearing the case, hasn’t yet discharged her. Ironically, it was Digvijay Singh who had coined the word “saffron terror” during the UPA regime.

This is not the first time the BJP has fielded sadhus to mobilise electoral support. Uma Bharti is one such high-profile leader. The party has also nominated Hindu monk Jaisiddheshwar Mahaswamiji in Sholapur against former Union Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde. The other symbol of Hindutva is Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. The Election Commission had banned him from campaigning for 72 hours just before the conclusion of the second phase of polls for Muslim-baiting speeches.

Sadhvi Pragya, too, has not disappointed the BJP with her sixers on Hemant Karkare, who, she claimed, was killed because of her “curse.” This statement of hers, against a man considered a martyr, provoked anger and the BJP quickly distanced itself from her views. The next bomb dropped by her was about the demolition of the Babri masjid in 1992 and her role in it. “I climbed atop the structure to break it. I am tremendously proud that God gave me the opportunity and strength to do it. And I did it,” she said. The EC has sought a report from the Sadhvi on both counts for her intemperate remarks.

The question is: Why is Hindutva back in focus again? Actually, it has always run parallel to other themes. Although the Opposition has failed to expose the weaknesses of Modi and his non- deliverance of poll promises made in 2014 convincingly, the BJP is wary of the development card and knows it is not working at the ground level. So the party has decided to focus more on Hindutva at an emotive level.

So far, the BJP has strategised a presidential-type of campaign with Modi as its face. In its election speeches, the party has been talking about a taint-free sarkar. “We have done well but more needs to be done”  is the message sent to the voters. The campaign talks of a decisive Government and Modi’s bold decisions on many issues, including on national security. Emphasis is also laid on the seven big welfare schemes launched by the Government, including Swachh Bharat and health insurance. The focus is also between a majboot Modi sarkar versus a majboor Opposition sarkar. Above all, the failure of the Congress in building the nation is its prime focus.

Based on ground reports that the Pulwama effect is wearing off, particularly in the southern States, the BJP had to shift its gear. In all the five southern States, people are more concerned about local issues. Pakistan-bashing also has not got much appeal in the South, which sends 130 MPs to the Lok Sabha. The BJP has realised that neither the supply of cooking gas connections nor the schemes on rural electrification and cheaper houses or the Jan Dhan bank accounts or the promise of higher minimum support prices for crops have been enough to set off the kind of a Modi wave that swept the BJP to power in 2014. That is why Modi, Amit Shah and Yogi continue with their polarising speeches.

The use of Hindutva card shows the desperation of the party to woo  voters. It is to be seen if this cafeteria approach of the BJP will click in the next five phases of the polls.

(The writer is a senior political commentator and syndicated columnist)