Modi way to foreign policy

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Modi way to foreign policy

Friday, 13 February 2015 | Anil Gupta

Both China and US are important for India. To term the India-US bonhomie as an irritant is nowhere near the truth

The recent three-day visit by US President Obama has invoked a mixed response in the media. While a section of the media views it as a major foreign policy breakthrough and a boost to the growing India-US strategic ties against global terror, another group  terms it as India's attempt to jump into the American bandwagon for containment of China. Many analysts have also concluded that it has irked China and may further, damp Sino-Indian relations.

But the truth lies somewhere else. Ever since Prime Minister Narendra Modi assumed power, he has been trying to give a new direction to India's morbid foreign policy. In order to revamp India's international image and its stature Mr Modi has, in his unorthodox ‘Modi style’ tried to reach out to the leaders of all major global powers. Resultantly, there has been a flurry of visits to India by the important international leaders as well as visits by Mr Modi to different countries in a short span of time.

Mr Obama’s visit should also be seen in the same light. For India, a closer tie with the US is compatible with its multi-faceted diplomacy in pursuance of its agenda of growth and development. New Delhi's pro-active engagement with major global players namely China, the US, Russia and Japan suggests a more sophisticated and interest-based foreign policy. The India-US bonhomie should also be viewed from the same prism.

While the US may be desirous to co-opt India as a potential ally in regional security architecture, India desires to create an independent slot in the global strategic space based on its national regional and global interests. The recent warm-up in India-US relations is being wrongly viewed by some as India's total convergence with the US in its Asia-Pacific policy.

The fact is that India's foreign policy remains consistent vis-à-vis the great powers. The only difference is the new pro-active and practical shift from idealism to realism. While India desires to maintain good relations with all global powers, it would also not hesitate to seek support from one power against another keeping in mind its strategic interests.

 At the same time, India would prefer to resolve its differences with any power through deft diplomatic engagement rather than completely aligning itself with a particular power.

India, under Mr Modi, is more confident of its capabilities to engage China diplomatically to resolve the contentious issues between the two giant neighbours. Similarly, China is also growing exponentially to engage in strategic competition with the US. Hence, to term the growing India-US bonhomie as an irritant to Sino-Indian relations is nowhere near the truth.

India and China need not view each other as a threat but they must work together to exploit enormous opportunities available to both the neighbours to emerge as an important global player once again to usher the era of multi-polar world. Both China and US are important to India as they are to each other purely in economic terms.

The US’s role in China's growth story is acknowledged world over. For economic growth, India needs a secure environment and energy and it also has convergence of interests with the US in the prevailing geo-political strategic environment. However, it should not be construed as an attempt to ‘gang up' against China.

The Chinese intelligentsia also echoed the same sentiments. “From the US point of view, India is the key for America's so called Asia-Pacific strategy aimed at containing China besides balancing Beijing's Silk Road push into the Indian Ocean as well as blunt the growing influence of China and Russia in India and South Asia”, writes Prof Wang Yiwen  of School of International Relations, Renmin University of China.

The personal bonding between Mr Modi and Mr Obama should in no way undermine the personal equation that Mr Modi established with the Chinese President Xi Jinping during the latter's visit in September last year.

 This is the peculiar Modi way to give a new impetus to India's foreign relations and to announce India's emergence as a substantial player on the global scene. Through deft diplomacy India seems to convey to the international community, its commitment to maintain its non-aligned status and pursuance of the strategy of mutual cooperation with global powers based on its strategic interests.

 India remains firm in her quest for “strategic autonomy”. The visit of External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj to China immediately after the Mr Obama’s visit is indicative of the importance India attaches to bilateral relations.

What appears to have irked China is the US-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region. The two leaders called for a resolution of territorial and maritime disputes “through all peaceful means and in accordance with universally recognised principles of international law including United Nations Convention on the law of Sea”.

The Chinese perceive it as an attempt to stir up trouble in the South China Sea. It has upset the Chinese who retorted by saying, “We believe relevant disputes should be resolved by parties directly concerned through peaceful talks and consultations”.

Mr Modi's statesmanship is under the scanner. His greatest challenge in the coming months is to handle India's relations with China while forging better and stronger ties with US. The Prime Minister's forthcoming visit to China is crucial.

 He will have to use his diplomatic finesse to allay the Chinese apprehensions as well as extract the maximum to minimise the irritants in the bilateral relationship. Ms Swaraj has already termed it as “outcome-driven visit”. Mr Modi will have to be conscious of the fact that strategic relations between great powers are not determined through personal equations but by national interests.

(The author is a Jammu based security and strategic analyst. He can be contacted at anil5457@gmail.com)

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