Modi’s third term to drive India’s global diplomacy

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Modi’s third term to drive India’s global diplomacy

Saturday, 15 June 2024 | Abhishek Pratap Singh

Modi’s third term to drive India’s global diplomacy

Modi 3.0 advances India’s global presence with robust diplomacy, strategic alliances and a renewed national identity focus

On June 4, the results for the Indian Lok Sabha elections 2024 started coming in. For many, the results came with an element of surprise, amidst the euphoria created by our Exit polls and expectations of the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Despite no single party getting the majority, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the BJP is set to form the next Government. Modi 3, as we may call it, led by Narendra Modi is well prepared to lead the nation once again.

In the last decade, India has well-positioned itself as an influential global player. Led by the pro-active diplomacy of the Narendra Modi Government, India has made a shift from being a ‘strategically reticent’ State to a ‘balancing power’ in global politics. As an “aspirational power”, India has refused to be drawn into any great power rivalries and has remained focussed on strengthening neighbourhood relations, soft power expansion, promoting humanitarian aid, building economic cooperation, fighting global terrorism and climate change, adherence to international laws and seeking UN security council reforms. In an editorial written by the Prime Minister himself, he reiterated that India is being “acknowledged as a strong and important voice of the Global South.” Modi 3.0 is likely to build on these continuities and achievements of foreign policy. 

In a complex world, Modi’s third term faces new diplomatic challenges and opportunities. Alliance partners may influence policy, but key trends will shape India’s foreign policy under the NDA Government.

Firstly, the direction of India’s Foreign policy cannot be understood without any reference to the question of our national identity which remains well aligned with our ancient past and glory. In the last ten years, our diplomacy has invested its intellectual energy and political strength embracing the importance of our civilizational identity. And this identity is well shaped by the values and culture of the glorious Hindu past. Against the backdrop of coalition partners, it would be interesting to see if this question of civilizational identity has to emulate any sub-national diplomacy chore given the TDP’s role in the Government and its style of politics and pride in Telugu identity.

For the BJP and Narendra Modi, the call for a resurgent India is well shaped and defined by our core and united civilizational identity.

Secondly, the role of foreign policy will be critical in Modi 3 in terms of building political alliances and economic partnerships, that may well align with our major policy goals as we drive towards building Viksit Bharat (Developed India) by 2047.

Diplomacy is crucial for achieving Government goals in the global world. Market reforms, free trade agreements, digital infrastructure upgrades and energy security are essential for our economic resilience and global relevance.

Thirdly, it would be interesting to see India’s diplomatic manoeuvring and great power engagements as we keep pushing for a multipolar world order. India’s relationship with the United States is likely to deepen further, shaped by strategic convergence between both on concerns over China’s assertiveness and developments in the Indo-Pacific region. 

Modi 3 will focus on strong India-US ties, people-to-people connections, business, science/tech and strategic cooperation. India will assert national interests confidently, as seen with Ukraine and Doklam. Emphasising ‘neighbourhood policy,’ India seeks to improve regional connectivity and trade, shown by its $4 billion aid to Sri Lanka during the 2022 crisis. Leaders from neighbouring countries are invited to the NDA Government’s oath ceremony, underscoring regional partnerships despite challenges.

Lastly, managing relations with China is not going to be an easy cakewalk for foreign policy under Modi 3. BJP’s election manifesto very clearly pledged to “accelerate the development of robust infrastructure” along the two countries’ border. Amidst the growing trust deficit, India fully recognises the potential threat of aggressive and resurgent China.

The electoral campaign also witnessed the use of a ‘China card’ by the opposition against the BJP. How diplomacy comes out of this pause in bilateral relations will be an enquiring concern under the new Government. We need to find a new equilibrium in its ties with China while building our defence capabilities and strengthening strategic with like-minded States.

In the given scenario, diplomacy under Modi 3 is poised for continuity and comprehensive foreign policy reforms, strengthening strategic alliances and India’s leading role in the Global South. Moreover, India’s role in global politics is set to expand and evolve, as India strives to be a pivotal player on the world stage.

(The author is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Delhi; his views are personal)

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