American interests in India and Asia have been limited to ensuring the US status-quo and its dominance in the India-Pacific region. Modi-Trump’s envisioned ‘Comprehensive Partnership’ needs concrete substance rather than rhetorical strategies
Making capital out of speeches are the skills of world leaders and there are few better at it than United States President Donald Trump. Having embarked on his maiden visit to India since assuming office in 2017, President Trump, along with First Lady Melania Trump, daughter Ivanka Trump and son in law Jared Kushner, arrived in India on the of February 24, 2020. Making the visit a family affair was a move that was much appreciated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his welcome address at Ahmedabad’s Motera Stadium. Speaking before a gathering of hundreds of thousands of people for the lavishly organised “Namaste Trump” event, Modi stressed on how the presence of the entire Trump family accords a “family-like sweetness” to India-US ties and went on to individually welcome each member of the Trump family in his speech. The Prime Minister further stated that India-US ties are “no longer just another partnership; it is a far greater and closer relationship”.
It is this very connotation that brings to the forefront the different expectations India and the US have from each other. Such difference rests with their mutual perception where India sees the US more as a friend and the US perceives India as just another strategic partner in Asia that will facilitate its China containment strategy. The praise on India as a successful and progressive democracy in Asia had little to do with Washington’s India policy outreach that will strengthen the India-US ties. To what extent Trump’s wordings, known for their pompousness, will actualise into a serious policy outlook on India in Capital Hill needs to be seen.
The US outlook towards Asia has for almost a decade now been highly China-centric; the Obama Administration’s “pivot to Asia” stemmed from a growing alarm of Chinese footprints across the region. Having labelled China a revisionist power, the US has turned its focus on defence engagements in South Asia and maritime security in the India-Pacific, leaving aspects like technology, trade, cultural ties and economics into cold storage. President Trump’s “America First” policy, which saw admission into his address when he made clear that “a booming America is great thing for India and it’s great for the world”, exemplifies that American interests in India and Asia are limited to ensuring US status-quo and dominance. During his trip, not showing any willingness to discuss with India the trade tensions only validated his transactional approach of the current US policy.
Trump’s speech, which references to Bollywood, Swami Vivekananda and famous Indian cricketers, resembled to some extent the address by Prime Minister Modi in 2016 before the US Congress and also followed along the lines of what previous US Presidents have said. A continuity in India-US relations was maintained, while enunciating the “absolutely incredible” potential for India to grow. Stating that Modi is a “true friend” and that “America loves India”, Trump spoke highly of the progress Modi has delivered to India in his years as the Prime Minister.
There are other key takeaways from Trump’s Motera address; first is the American acceptance of India as an “economic giant” and a wider appreciation of India’s rise in the global world order; all while being “a miracle of democracy”. Although Trump did not mention China by name, his statement praising India’s rise by promoting the growth of its people indirectly drew a parallel against “a nation that seeks power through coercion, intimidation and aggression”. This non-mention of China was partly because of India’s decision to not officially endorse a US-led order in the India-Pacific which is based on the China-containment strategy; however, while saying that India and the US will together “protect a free and open India-Pacific”, Trump did put across American expectations from India in the maritime region, excluding “inclusivity”.
Secondly, Trump for the entirety of his speech did not address contentious issues of India’s internal politics like abrogation of Article 370 and conditions in Jammu & Kashmir (J&K). The topic of Kashmir is still a matter of debate in the US echelons; India has made repeated attempts to try and smoothen the US perceptions. With four US Senators writing to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo over the question of Kashmir before President Trump’s upcoming visit to India, the prudence of the topic still remains high. The Indian Government’s decision to take groups of envoys on tours to J&K, while stressing that these tours will soon become a regular activity, is laced with attempts at proving that normalcy prevails in the Indian State. US Ambassador Kenneth Juster’s J&K tour helped smoothen diplomatic exchanges; the visit by President Trump is also partly thanks to the same tour. While not directly addressing these concerns, Trump made repeated references to India’s “extraordinary diversity” with “millions and millions of Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, Christians, and Jews” praying together. His concluding remarks asked “every Indian — North and South, Hindu and Muslim” to be proud while highlighting that it is this very unity in India that makes it “admired around the Earth”.
Thirdly, speaking about the growing defence partnership between India and the US, Trump appreciated the recently conducted tri-service military exercise “Tiger Triumph” between the two countries. While saying that America’s relations with Pakistan “are very good”, Trump assured that India and the US are together when it comes to the fight against terrorism, building on India’s concerns regarding cross-border terrorism by Pakistan. Announcing the signing of defence agreements worth $3 billion with India over the course of his visit, Trump underscored his administration’s commitment to providing India with “some of the best and most feared military equipment on the planet”. However, it must be noted that the deal is not one that is new; it is a pending purchase of 24 MH-60 Romeo helicopters for the Indian Navy and 6 AH-64E Apache helicopters for the Indian Army from American giant Lockheed Martin.
Fourthly, by steering clear of discussions on the “mini trade war” India and the US have been engaged in for over seventeen months now, Trump made it clear that Indian expectation of any relaxations by the US are in vain. Trump said that efforts to expand economic ties between India and the US will be a primary focus area and that the countries will be “making very, very major —among the biggest ever made — trade deals”. India would be wise to note that Trump’s “America First” approach will be guiding the trade talks, as made clear by his emphasis on a “booming America”. Prime Minister Modi, for his part, seems to be holding his own as enunciated by Trump, who called Modi “tough negotiator” twice during his Motera address.
In the Joint Statement released in conclusion of Trump’s first state visit to India, the two leaders declared that India-US ties will be upgraded to the level of a Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership. Trump and Modi’s personal chemistry, as fostered by Trump’s promotion of Modi as a great leader and Modi’s welcome of Trump in a familial manner espousing the ideals of his welcome-tweet “Atithi Devo Bhava” (guest is God), has presented a rosy picture of India-US ties. However, in order to reach the true potential of their envisioned “Comprehensive Partnership”, this relationship will need to have concrete substance rather than rhetorical wordings that their leaderships have chosen so far to orchestrate. Not to overlook, this must not dither away the focus on the trade tensions which are limiting the potential of the India-US relationship to emerge as the most effective partnership in Indi-Pacific region.
(The writer is an Editorial Assistant at the Routledge Studies on Think Asia, London)
