Will last-minute affirmative action and a veiled election manifesto work for the BJP Government?

The BJP is looking for a home run no doubt but its latest momentum on the Ram temple at Ayodhya or its craftsmanship of a people-friendly budget, howsoever temporary, indicate the burden that none of the Opposition parties has to carry, that of holding out its report card. In short, how much of an achche din was it able to usher, rather how many achche dins in the five-year tenure? So its exam rush hyperactivity is understandable in making up for a paltry performance in comparison to the decisive verdict of 2014, one that no ruling party enjoyed over the last decade. By that measure, that chasm is wide indeed.

The Ram Mandir is an emotionally galvanising force that had got the Sangh Parivar close to claiming political power through the BJP. But governance demanded pragmatism and through the Vajpayee and Modi years, Ayodhya has at best been cannon fodder for rhetoric and a subject of ideological reverence given the legal complexities concerned. And fringe issues like gauraksha or polarisation have been more of an embarrassment and headache than serving the Hindu cause over the last few years. But now that the party’s development agenda doesn’t look shiny enough, post the electoral debacle in the heartland States, and it needs to re-energise its cadres relying on the RSS grassroots network, it has to be seen as being purposeful about the temple. This has become necessary after the downbeat mood of workers at the last parliamentary party meeting hit home. Besides, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and even old ally Shiv Sena have launched a pincer attack on the unfulfilled promise of a Ram temple, saying that would, if not anything, address the BJP’s reason for being. Even the BJP’s latest plea of returning the superfluous land outside the disputed site in Ayodhya to owners is fraught with legal interjections, some claiming that the fate of that too is linked to a decision on the title suit. But the party brass is hoping it will at least be seen as attempting a closure within legal perimeters, even if not entirely successful. Politically, it would allow it to neutralise a resurgent Congress, which is itself pursuing soft Hindutva. In fact, the Congress is on the backfoot on Ayodhya and has refused TV debates on the subject.

However, Modi’s bigger concern is the electorate which feels betrayed and comprises the poor, both rural and urban, and the middle classes. The temple, as ground surveys indicate, is hardly expected to wash off on an aspirational society, more interested in livelihood indices than identity. And with Congress chief Rahul Gandhi having already floated the idea of a universal basic income, the BJP has to be seen as a healer given the crippling intensity of farm distress and the cascading effects of demonestisation. There is talk of the interim Budget promising direct money transfers to farmers’ accounts, waiving off interest on crop loans for farmers who pay on time, revising tax slabs and even announcing relief for petroleum companies to arrest fuel prices. Of course, nobody is asking where the money will come from. But will last-minute affirmative action and a veiled election manifesto work for the BJP government? The Indian voter has become much too aware to be enchanted by the gimmickry of grants and sops. It was precisely because they were tired of these populist fruits dangled by previous regimes that they gave a monolithic verdict hoping that the Modi government would have the mandate to take decisive steps. Alas, those came few and far between adventurist moves and the report card, in the end, has a repetitive feel about it. Faith takes time to build, just a moment to destroy. Modi was seen as a tall leader, still is. Hence the expectation of him to be less formulaic and not resort to cliches. Particularly of the 11th hour kind.