One politician who has greatly contributed to navigate the terrain of complex Sino-India relations is Atal Bihari Vajpayee, writes Rup Narayan Das

India and China completed the latest round of Strategic Dialogue in its rejigged format in Beijing earlier last month. The dialogue took place amidst China’s recalcitrant attitude towards the terrorist organisation Jesah-e-Mohammad and its opposition to India’s bid for membership of the NSG. It augurs well that in spite of these differences, there is continuous engagement and dialogue between the two countries at various levels.

Given the complexities of the two countries and competitive nature of their polity and economy, it is but natural that there will be differences. But such differences have never stymied the relationship between the two countries. One politician and statesman of great insight and foresight who has greatly contributed to navigate the terrain of these complex relations is Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the former Prime Minister of India. He built the institutions of dialogue very thoughtfully and mindfully and yet dealt with India’s northern neighbour on an equal footing. While dealing with China he never compromised the national interest or dignity of the country. China is India’s neighbour and engagement with China is a strategic necessity, rather than a foreign policy option. As the Minster of External Affairs in the cabinet of Prime Minster Morarji Desai and later as the Prime Minster of the country in the NDA regime, he built institutions of Confidence Building Measures (CBMS), which have proved their efficacy in recent times.  His approach to China has a long view and it didn’t suffer from the obfuscation of knee-jerk reaction.

Vajpayee’s outreach to China started soon after the erstwhile Janata Government was formed in 1977, when he became India’s External Affairs Minister in the cabinet of Morarji Desai. In a very unorthodox attitude he visited China from February 12 to 18, 1979, after a long chill in the relationship between the two countries. The visit was in response to an earlier invitation from the Chinese Foreign Minister. It was originally fixed for October/November 1978 but had to be postponed because of Vajpayee’s indisposition. During the visit, he held wide ranging discussions with important Chinese dignitaries including Premier Hua Guofeng, Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping, who later became the President and the undisputed leader of China, and the Chinese Foreign Minister Huang Hua.

While explaining the steps taken by India to create climate of confidence between nations South of Himalayas on the basis of scrupulous non-interference in internal affairs of other countries, he made it clear that while India does not object to normal bilateral relations between Pakistan and China, the prospects of improvement of India-China relations would be impeded if their relations adversely affect India’s legitimate interests. He also pointed out that the attitude on the Kashmir question taken by Chinese Government, which contrasted with the stand they themselves had taken in the 50s was an additional and unnecessary complication in the Sino-Indian relations. In this context, he reiterated India’s concern at the construction of the Karakoram Highway. As far as the bilateral relations are concerned, in his discussions with the Chinese leaders, he emphasised that the satisfactory solution of the India-China boundary question was vital to the restoration of confidence and full normalisation in the climate of Sino-Indian relations. The discussions held in Beijing succeeded in unfreezing the issue and led to the understanding that there should be further reflection on the possible ways of resolving this crucial question. It was agreed that tranquillity should be maintained along the border. He also expressed the hope that the Chinese Government would consider facilitating pilgrimages to Kailash and Mansarovar.

The two sides also reviewed the bilateral functional exchanges which had taken place since the return of their respective Ambassadors in 1976 and explored the possibility of further exchanges in various fields of mutual benefits. Vajpayee was in Hangchow after the completion of his talks in Beijing when he received the news about the Chinese attack on Vietnam on February 17. He decided to cut short his visit and returned to India immediately.

The Sino-Vietnamese war resonated in India and found its echo in Parliament. President of India in his address to the members of Parliament on February 19, 1979, said, “We are gravely concerned at the latest development on the Sino-Vietnamese border which carry the potential to endanger international peace and stability. Fighting should end immediately and, as a first step, Chinese forces should withdraw from Vietnam.” As the House was adjourned after the Presidential Address as per the Parliamentary custom, there was no discussion on the issue the same day. later, when the House met on February 21, the issue was raised while Vajpayee was reading out the statement on his visit to China. Alluding to the war in the region, he said, “the Chinese leaders expressed their viewpoint on the deterioration of their relations with Vietnam. I clearly expressed my concern at the prevailing tension and stressed that each of the countries in the region must be enabled to maintain their independence and was entitled to respect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity. This required adherence to the principle of non-interference.” He cautioned that there should be no further developments which could lead to dangerous deterioration of the situation. later the same day in the afternoon the House discussed the issue. The discussion resumed for the second day on February 22, 1979. Responding to the sentiment expressed in the House, Vajpayee said that there was complete unanimity in the House as well in the country “in our desire to express our solidarity with the brave and valiant people of the Republic of Vietnam who are facing a new crisis.”

 The short lived Janata Government, led by Prime Minister Morarji Desai, however, didn’t last long. Vajpayee resumed his outreach to China, when he became the Prime Minister leading the NDA government. At the invitation of the Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, he visited China in June 2003. His five-day visit to China from June 22 to 27 was indeed a milestone in the relationship between the two countries. The Joint Declaration signed by the two Prime Ministers stated that “the common interests of the two sides outweigh their differences. The two countries are not threats to each other. Neither side shall use or threaten to use force against the other.” During the visit in a new format of Special Representatives(ST) the issue of boundary settlement was institutionalised. Ever since then the boundary talks are being conducted through this mechanism. From the Indian side the National Security Advisor (NSA) of India participates with his Chinese counterpart. This high powered institutional mechanism has been very useful. Very soon this year the 20th SR dialogue will take place in India.

Defence cooperation and military engagement between the two countries also received a boost during his visit to China.  The Joint Declaration between the two countries signed on June 23, 2003, inter alia, mentioned that they agreed on the need to broaden and deepen defence exchanges between the two countries, which will help enhance and deepen mutual understanding and trust between the two armed forces.  Both confirmed that the exchange of visits by their Defence Ministers and of military officials at various levels should be strengthened. The message that emerges from these engagements is that the security of the country is not only dependent on defence preparedness, but also on mutual trust between both political and military leadership of the two countries.

History will remember his yeoman contribution when the two countries signed the Memorandum on expanding border trade. It accorded China’s unequivocal recognition of India’s sovereignty over Sikkim. The Memorandum stipulated that “the Indian side agrees to designate Changgu of Sikkim state as the venue for border trade market, while the Chinese side agree to designate Renqinggang of Tibet Autonomous Region as the venue for border trade market.”

The writer is an independent China scholar. Views expressed here are personal