In the middle of rain-lashed fields of sugarcane and wheat lie the narrow inner lanes leading to a small square at Kawal, the epicentre of communal riots in Muzaffarnagar in August-September 2013 after a Hindu woman was allegedly molested.
“Riots started here from this square dominated by Qureshis, the Muslim butcher community and Scheduled Caste Jatavs,” says someone. Others also emerge from the surroundings, eager to tell the tale that has “driven them back in time and given a bad name to the village.” The Provincial Armed Constabulary has been standing guard here since 2013.
Now, the small village wants peace and harmony so that they can regain what the riots snatched away from them. “Hindus and Muslims are equal here,” says Kamlesh who is a Jatav. The crowd slowly starts to swell in the small square as they get aware of media presence; Muslims and Hindus send messages to each other to join them in the square. As more and more people give vent to their feelings, it turns out most of them rue the fact that the riots stopped all development in the village.
People gathered in the square try their best to dispel the impression that Kawal is still communally charged. Hindus introduce their Muslim neighbours and press them to clear the air. One speaks after the other in a desperate bid to wash the taint inflicted by the communal incident that brought life to a standstill for them all.
“All business has stopped here... No jobs are being generated after the media painted Kawal as a forbidden place,” says Ravindra, as members of the Qureshi community nod in agreement.
The discussion progresses and a BSP supporter grumbles about the long queue before the lone Punjab National Bank ATM here. “No bank is giving Rs24,000 as claimed by the Government,” he rues, articulating the BSP’s viewpoint on demonetisation.
Jatavs say they will back the BSP in the elections (Kawal is part of Mirpur Assembly segment with 7,400 voters) as Mayawati had supported the farmers and built an inter-college building which has still not started functioning as the SP is in power now.
Some hit out at Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav, alleging that he backed only Muslims and not Hindus. Giving an example, they claimed that scholarships were given only to students of the minority community. “The SP’s rule had provoked riots,” they alleged.
Pradeep Kumar Jatav says the families of the Muslims killed in the riots received jobs but the masses who suffered during the riots and were forced to desert the village in 2013, “did not receive any succour from the State Government”.
Mumtaz Ali accused the BJP and SP of being hand-in-glove during the riots in Kaval.
As the discussion progresses, some people call Shahnazar, the brother of Shahnawaz who was killed in the 2013 riots at Kawal. Shahnazar vouches for the communal harmony in Kawal. The mood changes and a kind of consensus emerges that “outsiders came and did the killing here”.
“Why defame us. There were bigger riots than Kawal in West UP,” says Kishan Shah.
As Kaval yearns for lasting peace, development and more jobs, one can see strapping youths on both sides of the foggy highway running relentlessly to build their stamina so that they can pass the endurance test conducted by the Army and the police for selection of recruits.
The lush green fields along the road seem to be giving a big thumbs-up to the new generation of Kawal and Muzaffarnagar at large.
As the Sun starts to set over the village the colour of harmony seems to wash over Kawal and Haji Tyyab Siddique, Basher Qureshi, Abbas Zaidi, Ravindra Kumar Jatav, Jisan Rajput and others at the square gather round for a group photo. ‘Cheese and smile’– a sound of click and Hindus-Muslims join the frame of unity.