The curbs on peaceful protests in New Delhi raise troubling questions about democratic dissent, institutional autonomy and the excessive use of state power. A democracy must protect the right to question authority, not turn its capital into a fortress against its own citizens
On October 19, I attended a seminar at the Imperial Hotel, which is the epitome of colonial heritage, a relic the owners have diligently protected, preserved and promoted, whereas close by, Delhi Gymkhana Club (DGC), a senior relic, is under threat of eviction and its administration taken over by a government structure. Other colonial facilities in the vicinity, like the Race Course, have been closed down, and the IAF’s golf course is in the crosshairs. Previously, the security of the Prime Minister was cited as the reason for this. As a first step, the DGC staff living on the premises had to be relocated. But now, since the PM’s residence is being relocated, things should change. The resplendent Rashtrapati Bhawan, the ultimate symbol of colonial legacy, will stay, as will North and South Blocks — their innards, once the nuclear shelter, will become museums.
After the recent protests against the Election Commission of India at Jantar Mantar and other places, Roopchand, driver of the Imperial Hotel, showed me the protest sites and said that, as he could not access the hotel on his bike during the protests, he had to take the metro to East Patel Nagar and then walk the rest of the 10 km to the hotel. If there was a kind policeman near the barricades, he might let him pass. Otherwise, he would have to dodge the police like the protestors, through the by-lanes. He suggested, why not relocate the ECI? My drive through Jantar Mantar, Sansad Marg, All India Radio and ECI was eye-opening. There were at least 20,000 police/paramilitary personnel and millions of barricades and buses neatly lined up along the street to arrest and relocate protestors. It was an ocean of khaki and camouflage fabric even on a non-protest day. On Vijayadashami, the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP, downgraded by the CJI from a cockroach to a fly) was ceremonially put to rest by being burnt along with the effigies of Ravan. But the apparent disenfranchisement of 130mn voters due to ‘logical discrepancies’, with the courts observing that they can vote the next time, was not extinguished. Social media is agog, citing cases of discrepancy/cheating abetted by the ECI. The disproportionate use of force was augmented with unlawful, undemocratic force multipliers.
UNHRC, Geneva, and several human rights experts criticised the government for blocking the constitutional rights to peaceful protests, which were dutifully rejected by the MEA spokesperson. Al Jazeera and BBC have portrayed the protests fairly and accurately; except for Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, no official has criticised the treatment of student protesters by the police. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in Mumbai on 20 October, said it was an internal political matter. India’s strategic autonomy is extremely sensitive to external interference in internal affairs. None of the veterans’ social media groups has touched on the student protests, as 12 years of BJP rule have made them immune to such deviations. This took me back to the 1970s, when a batchmate recently recalled the Emergency. He said that, before going to the US for a course, he was interviewed by the then Director General of Military Training, Maj Gen Vir Vohra, who counselled him on how to defend the Emergency. Then, as now, the military has taken a neutral position, though it has sworn to defend the Constitution. He also recalled how, in Bombay, a friend took him to listen to the socialist and anti-Emergency activist George Fernandes speak somewhere near Churchgate, where Fernandes compared the Emergency to the ‘silence of the graveyard’. Later, he became the most unlikely defence minister. Every government, regardless of its political stance, has attempted to keep the military under firm civilian control. Any change in army behaviour was contingent on the personality and military ethos of its Army Chief. Some stood up, spoke out and disagreed with government policy, confined to its unconstitutional use, rarely for interference in the Army’s internal affairs. After the inept handling of Blue Star (Golden Temple), Army Chiefs have kept a distance from any religious showdown. So, a Maratha battalion located 1,000 m from Ayodhya watched helplessly when Babri Masjid was brought down, though it was duty-bound to protect public property. The Army was similarly held back during the Gujarat riots, though it was ultimately brought in - but too little, too late. All that has changed in the last 12 years. All three services, in some way, participate in functions to celebrate the religion of the majority community, while many units have a secular house of worship. An Air Marshal now heads the Ram Mandir Trust, and the IAF last week performed its annual air show across Namo Ghat, Varanasi, the PM’s constituency, while he was present.
Since 2014, the integrity of most institutions has been compromised. Despite the state’s absolute control in Delhi, student protests in July brought about a minister’s resignation and now seek the CEC’s removal. This is not any Gen Z uprising like those in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal. In India, regime change will happen only through the ballot box, not through street protests. There was once the Arab Spring, which led to regime change. Now, it is Europe’s dark winter, but no regime change has taken place through the streets; it has all happened through free and fair elections. People have lost faith in the centre-left or centre-right. Instead, they are looking to the far-right parties, which have made gains in Germany. Protests are ongoing in France, Spain, Serbia, Belgium, Portugal, Italy, Germany, Albania and Greece. But the democratic order will not change through the streets, only through the ballot box.
The establishment’s accusation that the opposition and student protestors are attempting regime change is fear-mongering. The students have a legitimate right to carry out peaceful protests; the state’s denial of this fundamental right through the use of excessive state violence and preventive law to quell the voice of youth reflects the poor training and confidence of the police in internal security management.
The Prakash Singh report on police reforms must be implemented so that the constitutional right to democratic dissent is protected without the heart of New Delhi resembling a police state.
Since 2014, the integrity of most institutions has been compromised. Despite the state’s absolute control in Delhi, student protests in July brought about a minister’s resignation and now seek the CEC’s removal
The writer, a retired Major General, served as Commander, IPKF (South), Sri Lanka, and was a founder member of the Defence Planning Staff, now the Integrated Defence Staff; Views presented are personal.