Expecting Sri lanka to allow international investigation into the conduct of its military is like asking for the moon as militaries of democratic countries have never been subjected to international scrutiny
The Indian media’s inquisitiveness to dig deep into the reasons for Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s conspicuous absence from the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo has yielded many colourful stories and opinions.
However, there has been a common inference: India lost a great opportunity. Some “naïve” experts, disconnected with the real issues in Sri lanka, claimed India could have fruitfully raised the issue of “ethnic” crisis in Sri lanka at the multilateral negations in Sri lanka. Others, who have come to terms with the reality in the India’s backyard, said India could have used the summit to reinforce its status as a regional power by indulging in benign engagement with its southern neighbour in its efforts to reconciliation in the post-lTTE Sri lanka.
It is easy to churn out solutions if one doesn’t care a hoot about the upshot. Each problem in a nation-State demands a unique solution, and it can’t be imported in any case. There is no single silver bullet to solve civil conflict. Involving stakeholders — who are direct victims of the separatist terrorism and anti-insurgency operations — in search of lasting solutions is the first premise.
Exporting banal ideas
UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s threat to drag Sri lanka to an international platform for imposing solutions is imprudent. First, most likely it will be outrightly rejected by Sri lanka with support from China, and second and more importantly, any non-indigenous idea will only complicate the peace process.
Thanks to the biased western media and Tamil separatist lobbies, many Indians are misinformed about the changing socio-political scenario in Sri lanka. The rumblings created by Tamil Eelam Supporters Organisation (TESO) in Tamil Nadu is inconsistent with the aspirations of the Sri lankan Tamils. TESO is vehemently supporting something which Sri lankan people, including Tamils, are not asking for.
In a tête-à-tête with Swarn Kumar Anand, Sri lankan High Commissioner to India Prasad Kariyawasam focussed on the need for the home-grown efforts. Mr Kariyawasam said: “Terrorism was eliminated in Sri lanka in 2009. None of the Tamil parties in Sri lanka or the Tamil people in Sri lanka has asked for a separate state in Sri lanka since the defeat of the lTTE which was the only entity that called for a separate state. Elections to the Northern Provincial Council were held in September 2013 for the first time since the Provincial Council system was introduced. The only reason why these elections could not be held previously was because the lTTE rejected the Provincial Council system which was introduced by the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of Sri lanka. The newly elected Chief Minister of the Northern Provincial Council, Mr CV Wigneswaran, has stressed that the people in the North have crossed times of violence and that they do not support a separate state. Therefore, extraneous persons, parties or organisations that continue to support the concept of a separate state of Tamil Eelam in Sri lanka will only vitiate the atmosphere for reconciliation and for consolidating peace in Sri lanka. The aspirations of the Tamil people of Sri lanka are manifesting well within a united Sri lanka. This has been reiterated by many Tamil leaders in Sri lanka, including the newly elected Chief Minister of the Northern Province, Mr Wigneswaran. Sri lanka appreciates goodwill from any quarter but interference into our internal affairs that complicates our reconciliation process is unacceptable.”
Restoration, not retribution
The focus on vengeance and lopsided view of the human rights violation —which gives clean chit to the ruthless lTTE — is like rubbing salt into the wounds of the victims of violence. The shrill cry of war crimes is a dishonest charge, because it lets the monstrous party off hook. Solutions can’t found in the blink of an eye. As it was the three-decade long conflict, Sri lanka should be given time and space to accomplish the reconciliation process in their own way.
Charges of human rights violations are not unique to Sri lanka. We have seen it our neighbourhood, in China, in Pakistan and in our own country. Can we allow external intervention into our territoryIJ No way.
Expecting Sri lanka to allow international investigation into the conduct of its military is like asking for the moon as militaries of democratic countries have never been subjected to international scrutiny.
The western countries raising concern over human rights in Sri lanka don’t espouse the Sri lankans’ cause, rather they are anxious about their domestic votes — substantial chunk of which are Tamil separatist lobbies and diasporas.
What should India doIJ
First of all, India should stop looking at the Sri lankan human rights issues through the myopic TESO lens. Because it carries two dangers. First, as we ourselves are victims of separatist politics egged on by cross-border (non)State actors, we should avoid supporting such a divisive ideology for our friendly southern neighbour. Second and more importantly, it endangers India’s status as Sri lanka’s closest neighbour. The UPA government has already done harm in May 2009 by taking a U-turn to vote for the US resolution against Sri lanka at a special session of the UNHRC.
India should look back at the deep historical relations between the two countries — Sri lankan Tamils’ connection with southern India, Sinhalese with Bengal and Odisha 2000 years ago. We should continue helping Sri lanka by way of infrastructure development first in Tamil areas and later in other parts of Sri lanka, so that it doesn’t feel threatened by India and look far north to China for the needful succour. Any misadventure in Sri lanka will further jeopardise India’s geopolitical ambitions.
(The writer is News Editor, The Pioneer)