The violence in Kailali as a result of political and ethnic chasms in the Himalayan nation, shows the challenges faced by Kathmandu in building an unified political economy, which is crucial for public prosperity and welfare
The unfortunate incident in Nepal’s Kailali district that led to the death of one child and seven security personnel, including a Senior Superintendent of Police who was burnt alive, again brought to the fore the fragility of democracy in the Himalayan nation, which has been dodged by poor statecraft and utterly misguided activism.
The human elements factored most in the inhuman treatment against the Tharu population, who have been demanding a separate autonomous Province for themselves but the subsequent reaction will possibly never take into consideration the factors that drove the indigenous people to become bloodthirsty.
Much hyped, much lamented and much celebrated too, Nepal’s Constitution drafting process has been an artwork of lame ducks. It has jeopardised the nation’s chances of living to its full potential, as would have been the case under a stable democratic regime. Anyone who has tried knowing this beautiful country gets the view that opportunities foregone have grown rather too stoutly on this land.
An inclusive Constitution that enshrines the aspirations of all Nepalese will do well than the complex artistry of a few. Unitary or federal, a country should not shy away from attaining a sense of justice. A fair amount of opportunity entitlement is genuinely expected in a democracy — there’s nothing overwhelming in this. But in Nepal, the anti- sentiment is far too strong, and it keeps the possibly better prospects in flux.
A hyper-inflationary economy, Nepali is playing a war against its own interest. The sad truth beckons when signing memorandums of understanding and taking foreign trips is shown as the sign of incremental change with imagined productive outcomes. This is an unfounded reading of the situation that ignores concerns relating to the real economic determinants.
Rarely given any heed by the political classes, Nepal’s democratic overtures have failed over the decades to help catalyse the concept of a national economy. The exorbitant cost of goods and services, way above comfort level, indicates an apparent income divide, which keeps the nation going at the cost of bulk marginalisation.
like in political processes, the economic sphere shows no big hope — and this should not be surprising, if the spectre of unnatural outbound migration and trade import keeps looming large even in the future.
low trade volumes and undersized macro-economic indices undermine the potential that Nepal has in terms of human resources and abundant natural resources. Amidst all of this, politicians play the role of spoilers.
It is ironical that, with the democratic experiment, politicians were once seen as the pioneers who would counter the feudal character of Nepal. Those who were expected to practise politics with a scientific temperament and usher Nepal into a new progressive era, ended up being street fighters with ambiguous and futile pastimes.
Dwindling industrial occupancy, crumbling infrastructure and the drop in people’s trust in the establishment have already made places like Janakpur and others in the Madhesh full with despair and angst. Since the outbreak of the Maoist rebellion, these places suffered immensely and lost the shine that not so long ago was their identity hallmark. The towns have been sleeping, and have got accustomed to the existential crisis mould. This is alarming.
A permanent defiance of identity is as bad as an overplay of the identity issue. But, without exception, political parties in Nepal are busy living with its anti-thesis. This creates chasms, keeps in dock proper democratic manoeuvrings, and also incites periodic cycles of violence. The emergence of multiple interest groups is posing big challenges to the Nepali nationhood — the federal discontents are aggravating the issue with determination.
The proposed Constitution doesn’t guarantee an effective model of federalism, and it minimises citizenry rights. Thus, the uproar against it is justified. But resorting to mindless violence which only invites harsh reaction from the state, is not going to polish the destiny of scores of people. like in other democracies of South Asia, Nepal also does not have a unified view of the political economy concept. In that part of the world, politics and economics are still two different streams — and they meet only for temporary convenience.
The reformist tendency is simple, and these days it is in free circulation everywhere in Nepal. The elite are allergic to reformist tendencies for the sole purpose of keeping the mantle within their fold. Those who are not from that block but are yet awestruck with the scope of power play, should stay like the incorrigible optimist. In Orwellian times, this appears to be the best bet for the opportunist soul — and also for newcomers.