Today, Hong Kong is celebrating 20 years of returning to the Chinese socialist system. On this very day, Britain ceded the island territory to mainland China after ruling it from 1842 till 1997. The First Opium War was fought from September, 1839, to August, 1842, between Britain and China; it came to an end with the signing of the historic Treaty of Nanking by both the Queen of England and the Emperor of China. After the end of the war, the Hong Kong Island came under the suzerainty of Britain. Ironically, the Treaty of Nanking made the mark of being one of a series of “unequal treaties” concluded between the East Asian States and Western powers in those days. later in October 18, 1860, Kowloon Peninsula was left to be ruled by Britain under the Convention of Peking, which eventually resulted in the conclusion of the Second Opium War. But only in July 1, 1898, China leased the rural “New Territories” i.e. the mainland area adjacent to Kowloon and 235 islands to Britain for a period of 99 years. This is how the historic journey of Hong Kong began under the royal British administration during which the Island had witnessed unprecedented economic growth and known to the rest as a “world-class trade centre”. Unfortunately, the city had indeed never seen the light of “democracy” in the clutches of the British for this entire saga of the “blessed rule” as many Hongkongers still talk about.
Way back in March 1979, on his first official visit to the mainland, the then Governor of Hong Kong, Murray Maclehose, raised the issue of the island with Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. Deng made it very clear that China will reassert its authority over the island after June 30, 1997. The very idea of governing Hong Kong under the “one country, two systems” came up when former British Prime Minister Edward Heath met Deng as a special envoy of then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. He told the visiting dignitary that this peculiar system will come into place only after the special region returns to the socialist system. After Thatcher’s visit to Beijing in September 22, 1982, the D-day came up for a final call on the status of the Island. And on December 19, 1985, the historic Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed in Beijing, shifting Hong Kong to China on the midnight of June 30, 1997. This all happened only after four months of wrangling between the two sovereign nations.
Hong Kong’s return to China was, in fact, a reassertion of the Beijing’s supremacy not only over the Island but also over a fading imperial power. This hinted the emergence of China as a “new power centre” in Asia. Many were overjoyed. Some were clearly hesitant about the hidden agenda of Beijing. Frankly, though it was not a pell-mell decision for the Communist veterans to introduce a new system for governing Hong Kong, many experts conceded that “one country, two systems” is an “untested formula” for a territory which was long ruled by a strong Governor as the sole representative of the Queen in England. So, there existed persistent doubts about the viability of the new policy and China’s strong commitment towards honouring the Islanders. But then, following the smooth handover, the internal complexities and contradictions illuminate many, especially the Hongkongers, about the practical challenges in the implementation of the new system.
By June 1985, a 58-member Basic law Drafting Committee was formed in Beijing to prepare Hong Kong’s new mini Constitution, later popularly known as “Basic law”. By April 1990, China’s National People’s Congress finally approved the “Basic law” and made it ready for ruling the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), as it is known in international lexicon. Unfortunately, before the handover came into effect, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress voted to repeal or amend various existing laws in regard to civil liberties in Hong Kong. But after June 30, 1997, the Mainland leaders scrupulously followed hands-off approach, allowing the Islanders to maintain a free hand in their administration with full autonomy, except managing the crucial defence and foreign affairs. Under the Basic law, Hong Kong will “continue to protect its capitalist system as well as the way of life, the rights and freedoms of its residents. These include equality before the law, private ownership of property, freedom of assembly, freedom of movement, freedom of religious belief, freedom of academic research, and freedom to join trade unions”. Besides, the courts would continue to administer independent justice and the territory will have its own police, immigration, customs, excise and anti-corruption system like before. This was more than sufficient to bring home confidence to the people of Hong Kong, who were tearfully bidding goodbye to a modern colonial rule.
Hong Kong is today governed by a Chief Executive and a legislative Council (popularly known as legCo). However, all is not well with the Basic law, which literally administers the Island, though the law was lauded by Deng as “law of historic and international significance” and a “creative masterpiece”. Was it really soIJ let’s have look at Hong Kong after two decades of embrace by the Chinese socialist rule.
First of all, the Special Administrative Region (SAR) is now directly governed by the Central Government based in Beijing through the Chief Executive and the legCo. And the Chief Executive has to report to the Mainland Government annually. Beyond this, what has irked the Hongkongers is the very presence of the permanent office of the “liaison Officer”, which is regarded as the “resident organ” of the Central Government in Hong Kong. Moreover, “its duties involve communication with the Office of the Commissioner of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the HKSAR and the PlA Hong Kong Garrison, the promotion of exchange and cooperation between Hong Kong and Mainland in various areas, communication with personages from all sectors of Hog Kong society and the handling of affairs, involving Taiwan”. Today many locals feel that the liaison Office goes beyond its official duties and really acts as a strong arm of the Chinese Communist Party. Recently, the office played a central role to lobby for the smooth election of new Chief Executive Carrie lam. Because of its creeping arm, many Hongkongers openly call this office the “Second Team” which actually governs their island.
Second, in the past when city’s first administrator Tung Chee-hwa (1997-2003) attempted to pass an anti-subversion law demanded by his super bosses in Beijing, massive protests were staged across Hong Kong. Eventually, he had to resign. Indeed, the entire two terms under Tung, the Island’s distrust of the real intentions of Beijing persisted.
Then came the second Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Sir Donald Tsang, who ruled it from 2005 till 2012. He somehow saved the Island from the 2008 global financial crisis. However, his period was marked by massive complaints of corruption in public offices.
Third, after coming to power, Xi Jinping wanted to foist on the city’s schools a programme of Communist inspired patriotic education just to make sure that the children grow up in the rich traditions of Mao-era primarily. But this time also, commoners came out on the roads and raised slogans against such devilish agenda of the Mainland. leung Chun-ying, who was elected as the third Chief Executive, barely got 689 votes out of 1,200 selected electorate. Mostly he acted as a pro-Beijing man throughout and experienced the most vociferous pro-democracy campaign till date. The most widespread mass movement came up in 2014 in the name of “Umbrella Movement”. It led to the formation of the Demosisto (a fusion of the Greek word “Demos” meaning people and the latin word “Sisto” referring to “I stand firm”) Party; it truly reflected its founders solid defence of democratic rights. Significantly, umbrella was used as a popular symbol of defiance by protesters and leung patiently wore down a large group of teenage revolutionaries, led by Joshua Wong, Nathan law, Oscar lai and Agnes Chow. This movement showcased the most bitter feeling of the Hongkongers, particularly by the youngest lot.
Fourth, now many in the Island are planning to wait for another three decades till 2047, when the “12-basic principles” that are currently governing Hong Kong will come to an end. In fact, it is mentioned in the 12th principle that “the above stated (i.e. all the other 11 principles) policies would be stipulated in the Basic law of the HKSAR by the NPC of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and they would remain unchanged for 50 years”. So young members of the legCo, like Nathan, are eagerly waiting for this day to see Hong Kong in its new look. Who knows what will happenIJ China may abruptly change the entire system of governance of the HKSAR.
Finally, though Hong Kong is gearing up for the grand ceremony to mark the completion of two decades under China with the presence of Xi, the ordinary citizens of the city are in deep distrust of the Mainland, fearing further curtailment of their freedoms. Chief Executive-elect lam, who is the first woman head of the HKSAR, will also take over the reign from leung in the presence of Xi. But considering her proximity to the Central Government, many Hongkongers doubt her sincerity. It is feared that events like the sudden kidnapping of book publishers by the agents of Beijing from the city may continue right under her nose. Such attempts for “mainlandisation” by the Xi regime may continue, they fear.
Nevertheless, the new administrator, lam, will have to tread very carefully. At a time when the movement for “radical localism” is scaling up and a new generation of people, mainly teenagers who had not witnessed the handover ceremony, are sharply on the rise, it would be a hard task for the Mainland to impose any new policies and programmes on the Islanders. Xi’s Deng-style tactics and Mao-era manoeuvres may not be truly sufficient for the Hongkongers to meet their greed for freedom, particularly their outright demand for choosing the governors of the city by the locals. lam, having a long stint in bureaucracy, may not have the zeal to fight for preserving the distinctiveness of Hong Kong as she had always served a system largely swayed and guided by the policy works from the inner circles of the Communist Party in Beijing. With Xi, she will have to refurbish her agenda in such a way that the Islanders experience more cooperation than conflagration in the near future. Growing tendency for “Umbrella” style movements will only offer more opportunities to the Communist hardliners to press for tighter control of Hong Kong. And this will altogether raise further debates and dialogues about the feasibility of the “one country, two systems” and Beijing’s tall promises towards the citizens of Hong Kong. Deng once put forwarded the scientific concept “one country, two systems” for a peaceful reunification of China, but this ingenious design was first applied to solve the question of Hong Kong first.
Therefore, the Hongkongers can expect more hurdles on the road to realise their dreamland. This is just the beginning.
(The writer is an expert on international affairs)