The level of discourse has to be in consonance with our stature as the world's largest democracy. Victory and defeat are part of elections, but democratic values must always remain sacrosanct. Sadly, some parties don’t understand this
With the announcement of the schedule for the lok Sabha election by the Election Commission of India last Wednesday, the stage is set for the battle royale. In what was initially thought would be a presidential style race between the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi and the Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi, General Election 2014 is fast turning into a referendum on the Gujarat Chief Minister, a contest between Mr Modi and others.
From the fledgling Aam Aadmi Party to regional parties such as lalu Prasad’s RJD, from Ms Mayawati to Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav and from the left-wing to family enterprises such as Mr Deve Gowda’s Janata Dal (Secular), the common enemy number one is Narendra Modi. It is clearly and simply a case of Modi versus others.
While comparisons are sought to be made with Indira Gandhi versus others, as was the case in 1977, the fundamental difference is that unlike Indira Gandhi, Mr Modi is the leader of the main opposition party. The country-wide support in favour of him as was the case with JP in 1977 is not accruing from the widespread anti-incumbency factor alone but also a positive response to his planks of good governance and development.
Interestingly, Mr Modi started off as a Hindutva poster boy, but he has over the years reinvented himself as a ‘development man’ (vikas purush) with most of his supporters and sympathisers looking up to him as a person who can deliver them from the key problems confronting the nation and get India its due place under the sun.
Thus, one sees even a new entrant into national politics such as Mr Arvind Kejriwal pulling out all stops — from writing letters on gas pricing to a road show in Gujarat to attacking the BJP headquarters in Delhi (which was also seen by analysts as a desperate attempt by journalist-turned-AAP leader Ashutosh to woo the minority population in Chandni Chowk from where he is contesting the lok Sabha poll), and to somehow make the election a BJP versus AAP clash, which is certainly not the case.
The recent re-entry of Mr Ram Vilas Paswan’s lJP into the NDA fold may have ruffled some feathers in the Bihar unit of the BJP, but it has served as a great symbol to show that political secularism is another name for opportunism. Both Mr Nitish Kumar’s exit and Mr Paswan’s return have turned political secularism into a non-issue in the poll.
Nevertheless, the BJP’s target of winning the simple majority of 272 on its own appears to be a tall order, taking into account the fact that it has a negligible presence in the east (with the exception of Bihar), south (with the exception of Karnataka) and the entire North-East. Not only sympathetic opinion polls but also honest calculations and the BJP’s own internal surveys predict that while the party would cross the 200-plus mark, it would require the support of new allies (apart from the existing ones) to form the Government. Mr Modi’s soft approach towards Ms Mamata Banerjee in Kolkata and Amma in Chennai as against the aggressive tone in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar explains this predicament to some extent.
The BJP would be doing a great service to itself if it pays heed to patriarch lK Advani’s guidelines on transforming the NDA into NDA-plus, given at the party’s 2012 Surajkund Conclave.
“This requires an imaginative re-projection of our commitment to secularism. We should, with full conviction, reassure our brethren belonging to the minority communities that we brook no discrimination or injustice in dealing with different sections of our diverse society”, he had said. Just an ‘if’ and ‘but’ apology from party president Rajnath Singh would appear to be another instance of tokenism. While the repeated references to the 2002 violence and ‘snoopgate’ are unlikely to make an impact on Mr Modi’s performance, the party is yet to give a satisfactory response to the allegations raised by the AAP about his close links with some industrial houses. This is important to win back a sizeable section disillusioned with the prevailing parties.
Though a sinking ship, the UPA Government too has announced sops and freebies ahead of the poll in a last- ditch attempt to woo the electorate disgusted with scams, price-rise and lack of decisive leadership. Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi’s last minute act to project himself as a crusader against corruption is unlikely to cut much ice with the voters who feel he has been silent on the issue for far too long, nor is the Rs 650 crore ‘Bharat Nirman’ campaign showcasing the ‘achievements’ of the ruling coalition’s 10-year tenure likely to swing the votes in the party’s favour. Politics is all about perception, and the image of corruption has overshadowed all the positives of the UPA.
The nascent AAP too is trying to carve out a niche for itself through its spit and run strategy while on the other the increasingly marginalised left is seeking to make a comeback riding piggyback on that seasonal frog called Third Front. Then there are those influential satraps such as Mr Naveen Patnaik, Ms Mayawati, Ms Banerjee and Ms J Jayalalithaa, who are hoping to be king-makers if not the king (or queen).
Many in the middle class who not only had actively participated in the Anna Hazare movement but later backed Mr Kejriwal’s party to the hilt, today find themselves a disillusioned lot. After the 49-day Delhi fiasco, they feel that the AAP would make a great opposition, but governance is certainly not its cup of tea.
The Third Front is more like the monsoon frog in Indian elections (one never hears of it after the polls) with no principle, ideology or vision to offer to the masses. It is at best a conglomeration of power-hungry politicians and an experiment in opportunism. The Third Front constituents as also the other satraps are expected to switch loyalties to one or the other national alliances, once the results are out. One still remembers the pathetic sight of HD Kumaraswamy (of JD-S), who took the lead in the Third Front formation ahead of 2009 poll) rushing with his face covered to 10, Janpath, to extend his party’s support to the UPA even before the final result came out.
The outcome of the election would also be determined by a progressive young crop of voters which wants good governance, stability and development. It is pertinent to note here that elections come on the heels of two major people’s movements — the anti-graft agitation and the countrywide protests in the aftermath of the Nirbhaya incident — issues that are bound to find reflection in the voting pattern.
One hopes that in the run-up to the poll, the major political parties would come out with concrete plans/vision for the nation’s progress rather than make baser casteist, communal and parochial appeals to woo the electorate. If the uproar in Parliament over Telangana Bill, including the use of pepper spray, was a black day in our democratic history, the attack by AAP supporters on the BJP offices across the country and subsequent street battles between workers of the two parties are reflective of our declining political standards in which political parties are competing on how further they can fall.
The level of discourse has to be in consonance with our stature as the world’s largest democracy. Victory and defeat are part of elections but democratic values must always remain sacrosanct.
(The writer is senior fellow and editor with the Vivekananda International Foundation)