The ongoing violent agitation in parts of West Bengal is the result of political mismanagement for decades, of the issues raised by the Gorkha people there
let us for a moment keep aside the issue of the creation of a separate Gorkhaland State demanded by the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), which has been spearheading a bandh in the Darjeeling Hills for long now. This is not to say that the demand must altogether be debunked. Nor does it mean that it has to be accepted. All that one needs to say at this moment is that the issue, if repeatedly raised at this point in time, will add fuel to fire in the Hills, the rest of West Bengal, and elsewhere.
The immediate cause of the protest is fairly well-known. The trigger for violence was the West Bengal Government’s decision to make BengaIi compulsory in all schools across the State. Though the Trinamool Congress Government, which is in power in West Bengal, was quick to make corrections, and said that Bengali would not be mandatory, by then the fears of the residents of the Hills were unnerved. Bengali domination and ethnic subjugation are probably the worst apprehensions they live in. Additionally, the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, spear-headed by its chief Bimal Gurung, did not fail to seize upon the moment — it re-kindled anger and emotions among the Gorkhas and re-ignited the demand for a separate Gorkhaland State. The GJM refused to accede even after the West Bengal Government made concessions; it continued with the agitation. Resultantly, Gorkhaland is now on fire and is burning. Protests have reached the 15th day and the dream for a new homeland has found resonance across the region, across party lines. Neighbouring States such as Sikkim too have extended support to the demand.
It would, therefore, be short-sighted to assume that the Bengali language issue was the primary (though it was the immediate) cause of the protest. To understand the root of the problem, one has to realise both the alienation of the Nepalese-speaking people and the towering political ambitions of politicians on both sides — to carve for themselves a name at regional politics, if not at the national level.
Though successive regimes in West Bengal have claimed the right to be the voice of the Gorkhas, in reality they have done little for the local population which remains steeped in poverty and neglect. The pertinent question is: Why did the question of a separate Gorkhaland State arise at allIJ It happened because of the insensitivity of the previous Communist regimes, and now that of the Mamata Banerjee Government, to understand the problems, sentiments, aspirations, and the ethic and linguistic needs of the Hill people. This led to frequent demands for a separate State, and each time the demand grew stronger — so much so that today, it refuses to die. It must, therefore, be admitted that, if their needs had been sensibly handled, the demand for a separate Gorkhaland would have never arisen.
A part of the problem has to also do with the rising aspirations of politicians at the helm in the State. Talking about the left Front Government, the party, in order to escape matters in the Hills, allowed the Gorkha National liberation Front (GNlF) to flourish. Subsequently, a seven-year long protest by the GNlF led to the formation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) which promised autonomy and funds for the Hill region. But the GNlF, which was headed by Subhas Ghising, ended up as a failure. Instead of resolving the problems of the people, it became a corruption hub. Similarly, the GNlF too could not fight for the cause of the Gorkhas — no funds were transferred and no autonomy was given to the body.
It is surprising that political parties should go to the extent of playing with the sentiments of the Gorkhas just to come to power. The breakdown of the GNlF led to the formation of its rival, the GJM, after Banerjee, in a peace-broker gesture, held tripartite agreement with the GJM, the Union Government as partners. She promised more powers and the transfer of many departments to the GJM, and the creation of a similar body like the DGHC, which came into being by the name of the semi-autonomous Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA). It got additional financial and autonomous powers. The Banerjee Government too, however, failed to deliver on the promises. This created a deep rift between the GJM and the Bengal Government. Now, both are locked in a bitter tussle politically. The GJM was all the more peeved with the Banerjee Government’s bid to woo the minority sections and top leaders of the GJM in the State. This helped the Trinamool Congress make significant gains in the just-concluded civic election in Mirk. The GJM too on its part has time and again played the statehood card to contain the growth of the Trinamool Congress in the Hills. This time, it did so by using the Banerjee Government’s decision to impose Bengali language.
Such agitations have become Machiavellian tactics for the likes of Bimal Gurung (and earlier Subhas Ghising also) to flourish. Both were unknown personalities once upon a time but came to the centre-stage at different to become the undisputed mass leaders of the Gorkha community.
The larger issue, however, is to move beyond the present and beyond what has happened in the past. What led to the current situation and where does it lead us toIJ It’s important to understand that no State can hope to prosper with civil insurgencies or something near to that, breaking out every now and then. The agitations have come to adversely affect tourism and tea — the two core industries that contribute to the economy of the State. The Darjeeling tea variation alone earns a gross revenue of around Rs 600 crore annually. Already, the tea industry has suffered a total loss of $18 million. Tourists who flocked to the Queen of the Hills every year for its scenic beauty, are less to be seen.
At the same time, much as the likes of Gurung would like to boast, the fact remains that a separate State of Gorkhaland will not be able to sustain itself. It is bound to face tremendous difficulties. Very soon, the enthusiasm will vanish and then the struggles and challenges will come to the fore. The Centre, of course, cannot be expected to unnecessarily intervene in these matters every now and then. Meanwhile, a certain level hostility will always be prevalent between the plains of Bengal and the Hill region.
Some may argue that there are other States too which have been bifurcated and they have been co-existing perfectly. But between them, there never existed this kind of a stir — they were not backed by mass movements. What existed between them was not people-to-people hostility, but the ire was against the far located power centre.
For example, in Uttar Pradesh, the demand for Uttarakhand came up because people in the Hill region felt that the regime sitting in lucknow was far too remote and, therefore, it was really difficult for it to address their problems. Similarly, Jharkhand too came up because Patna was too far. People in the eastern region felt that given the enormous mineral potential, the eastern part was not getting its due in terms of development, earning etc. The demand wasfor better governance and decentralised administrative machinery.
The situation in Gorkhaland, however, is different. And it has been made worse by political brinkmanship. The outburst of the demand for a separate Gorkhaland has not just taken Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee by surprise but it has also put other national parties in a dilemma. No party is willing to take a stand on this contentious issue, lest it burn its fingers.
(The writer is senior Assistant Editor, The Pioneer)