In a progressive democratic setup, it is but natural for the citizens to expect that the persons, whom they vote into power, would alter things for a better tomorrow.
This, however, rarely happens, notwithstanding the ruling party coming to power with an astounding majority. The lack of willpower in the Government of the day, though it may have a substantial majority, results in tinkering with the frills and fringes and there are no radical changes in the socio-economic structure so as to fulfil the aspirations of the people. Such a situation also harbingers some amount of window-dressing to project, as though there is a radical change in the socio-economic fabric. But, in fact, such measures are cosmetic in nature, touching the fringes of the problems of a poverty-ridden society such as Odisha.
One has to admit that Odisha is a “rich” State with “poor” people. And if a Government with a brute majority does not initiate radical steps for causing crucial changes to alter the prevalent situation, it is throwing away a golden opportunity.
This narration finds a befitting analysis and finding in a remarkable book published quite a few years ago under the title Tyranny of Status Quo co-authored by Milton Friedman and his wife Rose. In this book, they have amply demonstrated with examples from the history of different countries and have come to an empirical conclusion that when a Government in a democracy comes to power with an overwhelming majority and does not carry out the necessary, promised, significant and radical changes in the socio-economic structures in the first few months or may be a year or so, it has always failed to cause any radical and crucial changes in the social structure for the better, notwithstanding their continuing with a steamroller majority. This is a lesson that Milton and Rose have given us from the latent truth hidden in the archives of history. The scenario that surfaced after the publication of the book reveals that none of the parties and their leaders appears to have taken note of this vital finding. Alas, the “tyranny of status quo” has perpetuated itself.
Recent events have thrown up a similar potential situation on account of the massive majority of the BJP and its allies in the lok Sabha. Similar has been the situation in the Odisha legislative Assembly, where a regional party is in an unquestioned position to cause radical and crucial changes in the socioeconomic structure and the related programmatic actions.
There is, however, a different situation at the Centre. The BJP has to depend on the regional parties like the AIADMK, the TMC and the BJD to see through any Bills entailing radical reforms through the Rajya Sabha. The AIADMK has already assured issue-based support to the BJP Government. Issue-based support is a generic expression giving sufficient leverage to a regional party to readjust its stand, if its vested interest so requires. The AIADMK abstained from attending the swearing-in ceremony of the Union Cabinet on a professed principle that the President of Sri lanka had been invited. But the TMC and the BJD have come out with no such excuses, which could be politically justifiable. The BJP Government at the Centre professes to cause radical changes and some of this would be through legislations affecting socioeconomic structure. It would definitely require the support of the AIADMK, the TMC and the BJD. This is where the relevance of a regional party having a significant number in the lok Sabha (and sequentially after the Rajya Sabha elections) in the Rajya Sabha lies. The AIADMK has announced its calculated euphemistic issue-based support. TMC is yet to unveil its political agenda.
The Odisha Chief Minister and the BJD MPs met the Prime Minister in New Delhi. As per the news reports, the BJD raised the Pollavaram issue, special status for Odisha, the pending vital railway linkages and some other incidental issues. We, the people of Odisha, are yet to demonstrate our bargaining power in a federal democracy. The BJP will require the BJD’s support to some extent in the lok Sabha, but more significantly in the Rajya Sabha for any radical reforms to be seen through. Our bargaining power lies in this peculiar equilibrium of power. Our due share in irrigation of all forms, our share in determining the mineral policy of the Government of India, our due role in the formulation of the Central water resources policy, in the exploitation of the State’s resources in several neglected sectors, in our obvious necessity of alternate sources of energy and the like are yet to receive proper attention in a meaningful manner.
Odisha’s present weakness is that we cannot provide employment in our traditional sector of agriculture and allied sectors like village industries, food-processing and other agro-based industries. Instead, it appears, as though, we have become a cry-baby for some increased royalty on minerals. Two laws (to get a larger return from mining) brought by the Governments headed by Biju Patnaik and subsequently by the Government headed by Naveen Patnaik have not found favour with the judiciary to be Constitutionally valid. The lacunae in these Acts could have been rectified to ensure that our interests as a minerals-bearing State were protected. Unfortunately, that has not happened. The recent order of the Supreme Court indicates that the “deemed” extension (though challenged before the Orissa High Court) that has been pressed into service for more than two decades will continue to enjoy the illegal privileges. Meanwhile, many regulatory legislations have come in the form of Forest (Conservation) Act, 1880; several Environmental Regulatory Acts and the “deemed” have fostered, as though illegality can be “deemed” in perpetuity.
Our agriculture and the allied sectors have not got its appropriate place out of sheer insensitivity and negligence, and we have continued to be subjected to the “tyranny of staus quo”, notwithstanding our having elected a Government with a significant majority over the last more than a decade. There are no indications that there will be a programmatic action for a radical structural change. If we had a meaningful strategy, we would have been more assertive as a people represented by our Government and would not be grumbling about the step-motherly treatment we have been complaining of. If we have a right, we must assert and get it. And if we are unreasonably denied, we should take on the powers that be at the Delhi Durbar. There is, however, no indication that the “tyranny of status quo” shall relieve our State of its vicious, entangled and octopus-like clutches.
There are methodologies and strategies through which the Odidhs leadership could cause radical and crucial changes in the State’s socioeconomic structure and make it a “progressive” and not an “exploited” State. But this hope depends upon perceptions, appreciations and the sequential strategies of the State’s ruling party. A golden opportunity has knocked at our doors to break the vicious circle of the “tyranny of status quo” and we, as a people, should assure the Government that we steadfastly stand behind it. But, alas, our sincere wishes and equally renewed assurances will be of no avail, if the Government of the day does not become inclusive and responsive in its attitude and rise to the occasion. Though this is entirely in our common interest and for our common good, serious apprehensions hang like dark clouds raising inevitable doubts as to whether this would ever become a reality. And this definitely concerns us.
(The writer, a Senior Advocate, is a former All India Service officer, a former diplomat, a former editor and a former Advocate General of Odisha.jayantdas@hotmail.com)