The projects of the Central PSU Indian Oil Corporation limited (IOCl) at Paradip were thought of almost a decade before Atal Bihari Vajpayee became a stable Prime Minister by 2000. For the last fifteen years, everything moved at a snail’s pace. However, some decisive steps had been taken by the previous UPA Government. This enabled the Government that came into power in the middle of 2014 to indulge in a massive propaganda campaign promising a significant change through provision of large-scale employment to local skilled youths.
The then Central Government, in the first tenure of the Biju Patnaik Government in the early part of 1960, did not approve of Paradip to be built as a Major Port. Upset and peeved by the lack of positive orientation of the Nehru Government, Biju Patnaik, Chief Minister in his early forties, took a bold decision in commencing construction of a Minor Port, which could be undertaken by the State Government as a matter within the jurisdiction of the State Government. Having proceeded with the work to some extent, Patnaik faced an onslaught of criticism about uncontrolled expenses, and the State was heading towards a financial crisis. He threw up his hands saying the State might go under “financial emergency” and called upon the Central Government to take over the project. In this background, the Centre stepped in to take over the further progress of Paradip as a Major Port under its domain. The land and other related infrastructure stood provided for by the State Government. Jawaharlal Nehru unveiled a foundation-stone with a message in his handwriting suitably endorsed by his signature. These events were possible because of a personality like Biju Patnaik, who manipulated the means to achieve his goal, almost taking the Central Government by its horns and, to a great extent, taming it to the tunes of the requirement of the State Government. Despite a long coastline and despite a history of maritime achievements, the State did not till then have a port worth the name.
let us turn to the present scenario. Over half a century later, we have the BJP as a majority party ruling at the Centre supported by its coalition partners in the NDA. Odisha was ruled from 2000 onwards by a coalition Government of a regional party, the BJD, and a national party, the BJP. This pattern continued till 2009 when Naveen Patnaik decided to go it alone and keep his options open. The BJD romped home a sizable majority rendering the other parties almost inconsequential in the Assembly. The resultant scenario was that from 2009 onwards, including the elections in 2014, the BJD went ahead on its own and achieved a brute majority. This was bound to generate a competition between a regional party and a national party in consolidating their influence in the State. But there appears to be an unusual innate insecurity displayed by the anxious overreactions of both the parties in the realm of propagandist projections.
During the last decade, the BJD projected its posture with greater emphasis on the aspirations of a regional party. It complained against the neglect by the Central Government with greater force and with a louder voice. It demanded a “special status” for Odisha. It has also been alleged that it repackaged the Central schemes and re-labelled them so that the BJD could take the credit for their announcement and implementation. There have been allegations that the State Government is unable to fully utilise the amounts devolved on to it from the Centre. large quantum of such allocations remained unutilised or lapsed with the inevitable obstacles of re-budgeting. The MSME sector received a step-motherly treatment from the State, Central and institutional financing authorities, adversely impacting the prospects of many innovative “start-ups”.
The episode of the IOCl Paradip Refinery has thrown up a brazen and naked credit-grabbing competition between the BJP and the BJD assuming crazy proportions. There were hoardings displaying that they were issued by the Ministry of Petroleum or by the IOCl. They carried the photographs of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Petroleum etc., though the Supreme Court had limited any such display of photographs only to the President of India, the Prime Minister and the Chief Justice of India subject to their consent for the same. Reliable sources say the alleged unauthorised public expenses incurred by the IOCl and/or the Ministry of Petroleum led to a formal notice, further followed by filing of a PIl bringing to the notice of court the flagrant violation of the directions of the Supreme Court. It is further stated that the hoardings were modified or replaced overnight, and the new ones indicated that they were put up by a political party.
Around three days before the arrival of the Prime Minister, there was literally a poster-and-hoarding war between the BJD and the BJP. There had never been a more intense poster war, to the best of the memory of the average citizens. Even areas or zones, where posters and hoardings were not authorised to be put up, were not spared. This drove a section of the civil society to agitation and to bring down the posters and hoardings through their initiative.
Such a scenario indicates a desperate emphasis and undue dependence on a publicity blitzkrieg. A study of the expenses incurred on this account is a social necessity for ensuring suitable remedial measures along with ensuring public accountability.
In this overactive game of one-up-man-ship, brinkmanship and populistic propaganda, the average taxpayer has reasons to believe that he has been plundered. Despite ruling for over 15 years, the BJD Government has not displayed the initiative to locate new avenues of resource mobilisation from within the State without burdening the weaker sections of the community any further. The State’s resources are dominantly based on trade and commerce. We have had two adventurist legislations on the pretended plea of tapping the virgin sector of minerals for additional resources. These measures were struck down by the judiciary as unconstitutional, and this was apparent from a bare reading of the relevant statutory provisions.
A dominant part of the cultivated area is still without any irrigation. Investments in employment-generating programmes like the MGNREGS have not been suitably dovetailed into the goals of causing structural changes in agro-rural Odisha. Sectors like agro processing and value addition to the agricultural products, though having a huge potential for local employment, have continued to be neglected denying the local producers any control over the value chain. Resource mobilisation from newer avenues by the State Government needs immediate study by an expert team, the composition of which must go beyond the portals of officialdom. Otherwise, many of our proposed “start-ups” will turn out to be unfortunate “up-starts”.
The youths, who have the greatest stake in the future and in sustainable development, have to be suitably motivated so as to provide innovative impetus and initiative. Projects and programmes have to be equally integrated with the new strategy for sustainable revenue generation and its fruitful utilisation.
The thoughts in this direction must take shape as a sequel to the recent poster war. The youth power has to be taken into confidence. This can bring in a new dawn on the horizons of our State, which has demeaned itself into being a crybaby brandishing its beggar’s bowl. This calls for a purposive initiative from the general public and the civil society coupled with a reduced standoffish attitude on the part of the State’s rulers. This necessarily demands the active involvement of all of us. And, surely, this concerns us all!
The writer, a Senior Advocate, is a former All India Service officer, a former diplomat, a former editor, a former President of Orissa High Court Bar Association and a former Advocate General of Odisha. jayantdas@hotmail.com)