Government has retained Rs200-crore Dalit Venture Capital Fund in Budget
lord Thomas Babington Macaulay’s inspired modern education system came into being in 1854. Within three years, a unique problem arose. The Government had to issue an order stating that none can be refused admission on grounds of caste and gender. Once the Macaulay inspired system came into being, the Government started building schools on public land all over the country. Dalits too sought admission. In large parts of India, Dalit kids were chased away from schools. At places, their parents were assaulted and their huts destroyed. On some instances, Hindus withdrew their children from schools as they didn’t want them to get “polluted” by sharing classrooms with the untouchable children.
That was the kind of untouchability Dalits suffered just 160 years ago. So, the Government had to issue a circular in 1858.
Before 1854, native’s indigenous system of education was forbidden for Dalits — then called depressed classes. One of the reasons was that most often, in the Hindu system of education — called thus because education at that time meant explaining religious practices and how best to regularise social codes — schools were either run on temple premises or the residence of pundits, the Brahmin.
The Islamic system of education was run either from madrasas or masjids. Dalits were neither allowed to enter temples and pundits’ homes nor madrasas and masjids. Dalits, therefore, were not a part of the indigenous system of education.
The 1858 circular of the British India Government was the first known policy to safeguard the interests of Dalits. While the British India Government treated all Indian subjects alike, the Hindu society was not prepared to accept Dalits as fellow citizens or allow Dalit children to share classrooms with their kids.
A solution, however, was found in 1882. The Hunter Commission headed by William Wilson Hunter was set up to understand the functioning of primary and secondary system of education. The commission made a series of recommendations, such as the primary and junior secondary education should be run by district board and municipalities.
Another recommendation related to untouchables. Hunter explained in great detail as to how the Hindu society was not prepared to accept Dalits as fellow citizens and let their children study along with theirs. He ruled out the use of police or military to force Hindus in accepting untouchable children into the school system. Anguished at the atrocious attitude of the Hindu society, Hunter recommended setting up separate schools for untouchables all over India. I am a product of one such school — Harijan Bal Vidyalaya. Senior Dalits of my village used the clause of separate schools, and sought permission and financial aid from the State Government. The school had just one room and two teachers, who were given salaries by the Government once a year. The school was unique because upper caste and OBC children too studied here as there was no other school in the village.
On the list of Dalits who gained rights, King of Kolhapur Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj is remembered fondly. He had unleashed a host of social reforms in his Princely State, which included reservations in jobs to non-Brahmins in 1902. This is considered a landmark event in pro-Dalit policy.
In 1921, the Mysore State followed the Kolhapur model. Madras and Bombay presidencies followed suit. But the real moment came in 1995 when the Constitution, authored by Dr B R Ambedkar, gave reservation rights to Dalits and tribals. Ambedkar’s policy issue was a full-fledged system geared towards integrating Dalits and tribals with the mainstream society. Seats were reserved in education and legislature as well.
Somewhere around the Emergency, the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi wrote set asides in dealership for oil pumps and lPG. This is the second greatest landmark for Dalits and tribals after Dr Ambedkar’s reservation policy. Thousands of Dalits have become multi-millionaires due to this policy.
In 1989, the Union Government set up the National Scheduled Caste Finance and Development Corporation (NSCFDC) for the uplift of Dalits. Thousands of Dalits have been funded by NSCFDC to start their businesses.
In 2001, the then CM of Madhya Pradesh Digvijaya Singh implemented 30 per cent set asides for Dalit/tribal businesses in all Government purchases. This was one of the greatest milestones for Dalits.
Upon Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce & Industry’s (DICCI) persistent reasoning, the UPA-II Government in its interim Budget set aside Rs200 crore for Dalit Venture Capital Fund. While the amount might seem small, this was a landmark policy on two grounds — for the first time, the Government had considered Dalits worth partnership, and the Dalit Venture Capital became a new Budget head. In other words, the coming Budgets will continue running it, heralding a new era for Dalits.
Sure enough, this is DICCI’s moment of triumph. The Government headed by Narendra Modi has retained the Dalit Venture Capital Fund in its Budget. In other words, DICCI’s policy appeal has been accepted by the UPA and NDA.
A chapter in the future history of Dalits has been added and DICCI’s founder chairman Milind Kamble needs to be congratulated.