Everything comes with an expiry date and so does my patience: Omar Abdullah, Chief Minister Jammu and Kashmir
Only police under me, development domain of the elected Government: Manoj Sinha, LG Jammu and Kashmir
These are the warring comments by Lt Governor Manoj Sinha and Chief Minister Mr Omar Abdullah. They made the observations on separate occasions but with the same intent of one-upmanship in the fragile constitutional framework
of Jammu and Kashmir. More so after August 5, 2019 when the special status of the Jammu and Kashmir was done away with, and made a powerless Union Territory with confusing lines of power-sharing between an elected Government and the Raj Bhawan. Is the eight-month-long truce between the self-effacing chief minister and all empowered Lt Governor, being the sole representative of the Centre, over? Is Mr Abdullah’s discomfiture manifested in his “expiry date” expression outcome of the increasing public pressure reminding him of his poll promise on reinstating statehood and subsequent restoration of Article 370 in its old form?
Jammu and Kashmir, particularly Kashmir, is not a static entity, both strategically and politically.
Are the observations made by the two constitutional authorities in Jammu and Kashmir, an indication of yet another political turmoil and the related uncertainty?
At a time when the Union Territory has been trying to come to terms with the fallout of the latest round of Indo-Pak armed confrontation in the aftermath of Pahalgam terrorist attack in which 26 innocent peopole were killed by the gun-totting terrorists, this is the last thing anyone not only in Jammu and Kashmir but
the entire nation will expect. Jammu and Kashmir cannot afford yet another round of political uncertainty only to satisfy the urges of powerful groups in New Delhi and J and K. A realisation must dawn on all that such a situation is least in the national interest.
The Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir shares its status with Delhi and Puducherry, UTs with assembly, with limited powers to the elected Government. Realistically speaking, as the one who has witnessed developments in Delhi from a reporter’s prism, through close quarters since 1993 when it acquired its current constitutional status, this model is flawed and unworkable. This model was born more out of political expediency rather than the well-being of the people.
Nevertheless, all three cases should be viewed and reviewed differently by the powers that be. At least J&K with its strategic location and sensitivity did not deserve this treatment.
Unfortunately, the main stakeholders (the people) had no say when this model of UTs was formulated. This is entirely true of Jammu and Kashmir where a progressive state — the national parameters would bear this out despite three-decade-long terrorism and political instability from time to time to satisfy the whims and fancies of the political leaders in New Delhi and J and K, was unceremoniously divested of its status. Never ever the people were taken on board when this decision of far-reaching dimensions was taken.
It is a reality that Jammu and Kashmir is a Union Territory with a lame-duck elected Government and a powerful Raj Bhawan lording over it. Holding assembly elections, the first in five years after the UT status, was certainly a welcome move as it reflected the Centre’s will to bring people back into the democratic process and elect their representatives, which they did with utmost enthusiasm. This spirit needed to be taken forward through greater understanding between what Mr Abdullah has now described as “two power-centres” without introducing any political element to it.
Unfortunately, this spirit seemed to be beginning to lose steam and was in danger of getting evaporated. Carrying forward this spirit would entail exhibiting, more so on the part of the Centre and Raj Bhawan, a sense of adjustment and mutual trust while bearing in mind that pressure all the time will be on the elected Government being directly answerable to the people.
Jammu and Kashmir assembly in its present form is a well-balanced House. On one side is the National Conference-led ruling alliance with a strong majority and on the other hand there is a strong opposition primarily the BJP. This balanced formulation, in terms of the number game, of the assembly was a perfect platform for the Centre — Raj Bhawan combo, to take the democratic processes forward with elected representatives of both ruling and opposition varieties becoming the show window.
Under the circumstances, Mr Abdullah citing the expiry date of his patience is but natural as he seems to be under growing pressure from not only the electorates but also his party. The situation would have eased or at least not reached a situation where the chasm between the Lt Governor and the CM threatens to become open, had the Centre engaged the UT Government on the issue of restoration of statehood. Barring an occasional observation from the BJP’s central leadership and the Centre that this would be done at an “appropriate time”, there is nothing to show intent and give people a ray of hope. And a face-saver to Mr Abdullah.
(The writer is political and national affairs analyst. Views are personal)