At a time when Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was said to have allegedly died in a plane crash on August 18, 1945, the fact that the British Government was busy with “top secret” deliberations regarding him raises suspicion that he was indeed alive and in captivity somewhere.
“In many ways the easiest course would be to leave him where he is and not ask for his release. He might, of course, in certain circumstance be welcomed by the Russians. This course could raise fewest immediate political difficulties,” Sir F Mudie, Home Member, Clement Attlee Government’s India Office, wrote on August 23, 1945, in his reply to Sir EM Jenkins, Home Secretary and the last Governor of Punjab. Jenkins had on August 11 sought Mudie’s advise on dealing with Netaji.
The recourse cited by Mudie was one of the 10 options he dished out to the British Government, which was clearly in a dilemma over the way to treat Netaji even as it was in strong favour of “dealing with him as a war criminal”.
The other options included “hanging” him outside India preferably in Malaya, on the premise that the regime there would have no problems in doing so unlike the Burmese or Singaporean dispensations.
The exchange of letters (listed as ‘top secret letter No 1157 and billed as Wavell Papers) happened between August 11 and August 23, 1945 and pertained to the issue of “Indian prisoners of war in Japanese hands and Bose and his associates”.
On Jenkins suggestion that Netaji be treated as a “war criminal”, Mudie said, “He (Bose) clearly is not one in the ordinary sense of the word” and “nor does he appear to come within the extended definition adopted by the UN”.
He then dealt at length about the difficulties that the British Government would face given that Bose’ “influence over the INA (27,000-strong) is very considerable”. “It affects all races, castes and communities almost equally strongly. They regard him with deep admiration, respect and confidence as a sincere patriot, as an able leader without peer, as the organiser of India’s first ‘National Army’,” he pointed out.
Saying the Bengalis treated him almost on par with Mahatma Gandhi, he listed out the difficulties in his trial in India or in a military court even outside India, intern him in India or in some British possession like Seychelles Islands or leave him and not ask him for his surrender.
He pointed out Netaji would not be hanged in India if he is tried in the country; the Burmese Government was busy appeasing the Burmese National Army and so it would not hang him; a trial and execution in Singapore with the news suppressed would be taken as judicial murder; a trial in a military court outside India would invite similar objections; and interning him in India would lead to an agitation and his subsequent release.
He advocated Netaji’s detention and internment outside India. “Out of sight would be to some extent out of mind and agitation for his release might be less,” he stated.
Though he also advised leaving Netaji’s “where he is” saying it would raise fewest political difficulties, at the same time he pointed out that in such an event the security authorities would be concerned about his presence in Russia.