The recently released NCRB report is neither updated nor inclusive of controversial crimes
Systematic and reliable data are important for citizens to gauge where we stand as a nation, both at home and the world. Usually, the ones awaited with much expectation concern the state of the economy and the quality of governance. But it is the database on crime that we should be worried about, considering it measures the state of society and is a reactive assessment of the many other benchmarks we might want to tom-tom. This is why the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), which has been collating the crime database for three decades now, is significant. Bearing the government’s stamp of credibility, it has been considered bonafide and reflective of the former’s intent to strengthen correctives. But the panel, which has been enriching policy-makers, civil society organisations and the media alike with credible insights, allowing them to analyse the country’s social map, has faltered on several counts in recent years. The most alarming lapse is that ever since its first publication in 1954, the report had a data gap of two consecutive years — 2017 and 2018. With the police and security agencies working with 2016 figures, no predictive or preventive models could be worked upon. Also with changes in social dynamics, it was difficult to establish comparative profiles to spot a trend. So when the data was finally released after a delay of an extra year, it was surprising that the authorities had done the listing for 2017 and skipped 2018 completely. Which means that the NCRB database is still not updated. What is also incomprehensible is the panel’s selective approach while releasing data for sub-categories. As much as the inclusion of certain new chapters is welcome, it is baffling that data related to controversial events like mob lynchings, murders by men in power, killings ordered by khap panchayats and murders committed for religious reasons among others, did not make it to the final document. This, when the Government had itself cited the collection and correction of errors for these sub-categories as the reason for the delay in the release of NCRB data. This then raises serious doubts about the Government’s will to deal with mob violence. In the case of lynching, for example, it has shown utter disrespect to the Supreme Court’s directive to frame specific laws on the subject. How then can we expect it to come clear on facts, the absence of which allows the Government to live in continued denial of lynching as a serious matter of concern? In yet another instance, farm suicide statistics were not published even for 2016. When most crimes go under-reported in this country, the lack of exact data can only complicate matters and goad unscrupulous offenders to operate outside the law. This oversight can even lead to needless stereotyping of perceptions.
The available data is also not encouraging and the Government must introspect on certain spirals, like that of violence against women, particularly in Uttar Pradesh. There has been a 77 per cent rise in fake currency after demonetisation. Overall violent crimes marginally improved in 2017 compared to 2016. While 4.29 lakh cases of violence were reported in 2016, 4.27 were registered in 2017. Delhi, despite taking significant strides in making the city safe, has not been able to rid itself of the unwanted appellation as the crime capital of India. On an average, 1,050 police cases per lakh population were registered in 2017 even as the national average stood at 238. This makes it clear enough that it needs to double its efforts in securing its streets. The fact that eastern States like Odisha, West Bengal and Assam, which already held the dubious distinction of recording all kinds of heinous crimes, have recorded a higher number of murders is equally worrisome. Particularly Bengal is now high on the crime index, closer to Uttar Pradesh, usually perceived as the wild west. The crux of the problem is that multiple agencies record data for the NCRB, each in its own way. Worse still, as the latest report has shown, even when data has been collected, it is difficult to be extracted. The NCRB’s method of calculating data itself has come under the scanner as it relies on old census data. Its methodology to compute crime rates has not been consistent across years. And for all talk of digital interventions, the crime records are yet to be available at the click of a button. The Government must understand that concealment or manipulation of data has no upside, only downsides, which will ultimately lead to the erosion of public trust.