NDA Government sceptics who revel in Modi-bashing overlook facts in order to justify their resistance to the reforms initiated by the incumbent regime
Of the several WhatsApp groups that this author is a member of, the one comprising many friends including bureaucrats and journalists, is especially fascinating. Over 80 per cent of the discussion here revolves round Prime Minister Narendra Modi. There is a fierce and blanket cynicism, and every argument in defence is shot down as naïve. August 15 was no different, as Modi-haters ripped apart the Prime Minister's speech at the Red Fort, and yet again questioned his style, content and intent. The essence of ‘reform, perform and transform’ that the Prime Minister so passionately articulated was, to them, yet another oratory trick that did little to enthuse this group of perennial skeptics.
To this writer, the intense and at times inexplicable reaction of this group can be traced to three major factors.
First, we are a generation enamored by the status quo. Our growing-up was anchored in believing the given — compliance to social norms was often rewarded, deviation frowned upon. We were conformists to the core. A reflection of this was the kind of professions that the majority of us got into. We became bureaucrats, academics, managers, NGO workers, journalists — all old school vocations. When Modi disturbs the status quo through his words and deeds, and dares to dismantle the old and the irrelevant, we squirm and moan.
Two, we are also a generation whose political upbringing has been conditioned by identity politics. We grew up in an atmosphere of intense animosity that was triggered by the implementation of Mandal Commission recommendations by VP Singh. Government jobs, much like politics, were the preserve of the upper caste. The Mandal Commission threatened to tilt that balance. For the upper castes which dominated the elite universities of Delhi and elsewhere in the 1990s, this came as a jolt. The status quo was massively challenged and so was the hegemony of the elite. We grew up to be sceptics, and all those who failed the civil service examinations, blamed it on this factor.
That culture of ascribed superiority continues to guide our sub-conscience. When a low-caste Modi, who does not conform to our framework of the elite political class, attracts astounding glory, it doesn't comfort us either. We, including this writer, admired Rajiv Gandhi and drool over Rahul Gandhi; we idolise kings and aristocrats of the Congress. Modi doesn't fit into our notion of the political class, and when he speaks to us from the Red Fort, we fret and frown.
Third, we have been conditioned to celebrate quiet Prime Ministers. With the exception of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, most of the Prime Ministers of our times — Chandra Shekhar, PV Narasimha Rao, Deve Gowda, IK Gujral, and Manmohan Singh — have not been good communicators. We are wary of outspoken leaders and the influential minority of Delhi has often exhibited enormous disdain for the likes of outspoken mass leaders like lalu Prasad and Mayawati. It is little surprise then that when Modi speaks, and makes a whole lot of sense, it tampers with the legacy of the silent Prime Minister that the status quoists so adore.
To these sceptics who accuse Modi of just spewing rhetoric and thrive on criticising him, this writer would like to present a few facts from the Prime Minister's Independence Day speech, and pose a few questions. Modi said that cooking gas cylinders were made available to 60 crore people in the last 60 years whereas 14 crore have got it in the last 60 months. Is this not goodIJ Modi said, it took 70 years for a village in Uttar Pradesh, which is three hours from Delhi, to get electricity. Is this a fairytaleIJ lED bulbs which cost Rs 250 are now available at Rs 50 — is it not worth a pause, forget praiseIJ When Modi says he has implemented the long-pending demand of One Rank One Pension, is he not stating a factIJ Should the increase of pension to freedom fighters by 20 per cent be condemnedIJ Is the clearing of arrears to Uttar Pradesh’s sugarcane farmers a bad thingIJ About 10,000 villages, out of the 18,000 unelectrified lot, now have power — is this good news or badIJ Will doing away with job interviews, which perpetuated corruption, of over 9000 Group C & D jobs adversely affect our societyIJ That the thrust to solar power and rural roads construction has intensified in last two years is a fact. Should it not be celebratedIJ
For the first time, we have a Prime Minister who is astute at the art of governance and at articulating the same. We are living in denial and resisting change. The obduracy of the elite and WhatsApp pessimists is stale and suffocating.