The Modi Government has sent a positive signal to solve the oldest insurgency problem in North-East. His method of sorting out Nagas’ issues with development agenda must have raised hope of the teeming millions of N-E people, particularly the young generation
When it comes to North-East (N-E) India, Anatol Rapaport’s iconic words in Fights, Games and Debates (1970) echoes in my mind: “Conflict… is a theme that has occupied the thinking of man more than any other, save only God and love.” In the last three to four decades, the N-E has almost become synonymous with violence, conflict, insurgency, terrorism, etc. It seems the N-E States have been left far behind the development trajectory of other Indian States despite having enough untapped and unexplored resources, unlike many other parts of the country.
With the conclusion of the peace deal with the NSCN(IM) on August 3, 2015, the Narendra Modi Government has sent a positive signal to solve the oldest insurgency problem of N-E. Modi has shown serious interest in bringing hope back to the teeming millions of N-E people, particularly the young generation, by harping on the development agenda, which the region needs badly. Earlier during the UPA regime, then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (who represented one of the N-E States of Assam in the Rajya Sabha) had promised an “honourable solution” to the Naga insurgency issue, but unfortunately he could hardly do anything during his decade-old leadership at the Centre. On record, the latest peace agreement between the NSCN(IM) and the Centre is a result of a long series of 80 rounds of dialogues and close-door consultations, spanning over a period of 20 years, involving three to four different political dispensations in Delhi.
The Naga insurgency problem dates back to the formation of the “Naga Club” by a group of learned Nagas in Kohima in 1918 during the heydays of the World War I. The British Raj in India had then purposefully divided the people of the plains and the hills. In 1873, the historic Inner line Regulation was brought in for Nagaland. During the peak of Gandhi’s Non-cooperation Movement, the British declared the Naga Hills a Backward Tract in 1921 which alienated them further. When the Simon Commission came to India, the Naga leaders handed over a memorandum to the Commission on January 10, 1929, for excluding the Nagas from any further constitutional framework meant for India. By late 1940s, the Naga movement for independence gained momentum with the emergence of its most charismatic leader Angami Zapu Phizo, popularly known as Phizo. Under Phizo, the Nagas moved further and fought on the sidelines of the Indian National Army of Subhas Chandra Bose against the British Raj so that their independence could be ensured. After the World War II, on February 2, 1946, Naga National Council (NNC) was formed to spearhead the cause of the Nagas. The aim of the NNC was to bring the Naga people under single authority as there was no such organisation prior to this. Even the Naga leaders held talks with Gandhiji, who assured them of a full consideration of their issue. In May 1947, a delegation of the Constituent Assembly was sent to meet NNC leaders and made an offer to them to join the Union of India. However, the NNC refused the offer and declared their independence on August 14, 1947, a day before India got freedom. In the same year the Nine Point Naga-Akbar Hyderi Accord was signed which brought short time peace to the Naga Hills. Gradually, the clauses of the Accord were misinterpreted by both sides and led to the rise of guerilla warfare among the Nagas. Phizo was arrested by the Indian Government on “charges of rebellion” in 1948. later on his release, he became the President of the NNC in 1949. In 1952, Phizo met then PM Jawaharlal Nehru, but talks failed because of the rigidity on both sides. There has been an allegation by the Indian Government that the demand for an independent Nagaland is simply constructed by a few educated Nagas only. Hence Phizo organised a national referendum on May 16, 1951, in which 99.98% (Jonathan Glancey (2011), Nagaland: A Journey to India’s Forgotten Frontier, P 173) Nagas voted in favour of independence. But Nehru rejected the plebiscite outright. Afterwards, the Nagas under the leadership of Phizo boycotted the 1952 lok Sabha elections and a trip of Nehru to Naga Hills as well. In fact, Nehru had already developed a very poor opinion about Phizo which he himself documented in Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Series II, Volume 20, 1952: “……Nagas are definitely non-cooperative and even to some extent hostile. I refer particularly to the Nagas of the Hill Districts here and not to the Nagas elsewhere. These Nagas here have prevented, by their disciplined and their very effective non-cooperation, the formation of a District Council for them as provided for in the VI Schedule. All the other District Councils have been formed. Recent reports indicate that these Nagas are becoming slightly aggressive, though no major incident has yet taken place. The person who appears to hold authority amongst them is Zapu Phizo. I met this man twice and formed a poor opinion of him. His demand on behalf of the Nagas is for independence. I have explained to him and to others in the clearest language that this is nonsense and were not going to consider it. In spite of this, however, the hostility of these Nagas appears to continue and Zapu Phizo talks about going to the UN or doing something else. He takes up more or less, the proud attitude of not acknowledging the Government of India or at any rate somewhat ignoring its directions. I think we can ignore Zapu Phizo as a person. Too much importance has been attached to him in the past. But he represents some kind of widespread feeling among the Nagas. That is important.’ But Nehru equally emphasised the quintessential role of Phizo.
By the end of 1950s, out of frustration, the Naga leaders chose the violent means for securing their much needed independence from India. In 1958, the Government promulgated the Armed Forces Special Powers Act to suppress the Naga rebellion. Phizo then managed to escape to the then East Pakistan and sought help from Pakistan. From there, he fled to london, wherein he lived in exile fighting for the Naga cause till his death in 1990. Along with Phizo, Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah led their underground militant activities in the 60s and 70s with support from China. In 1960, on the basis of the Sixteen Point Agreement, the Government created the State of Nagaland which the NNC rejected outright. Subsequently the Government created two BSF battalions to rehabilitate the militants, but this could not solve the Naga issue either. Then the historic Shillong Agreement was signed in 1975. Considering this accord as a betrayal of the Naga cause, dissident NNC leaders led by Isak, Muivah and SS Khaplang formed the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) on January 31, 1980. In fact, they declared the formation of their own Government known as Government of the Peoples Republic of Nagalim. However bitter infighting led to a “historic split” of the NSCN on April 30, 1988, which resulted in the formation of the NSCN Khaplang group, popularly called as NSCN(K). The group remained with Isak, and Muivah came to be known as NSCN (IM). In the years followed, the clashes between the two groups continued, but the NSCN(IM) remained in the limelight as the most dominant group, representing the Nagas. The NSCN(IM) and the Government of India signed a ceasefire agreement in 1997. Since then it has mobilised men, material and international support for their independence. But NSCN(K), which also had a ceasefire agreement with the Government recently, broke the same in June 2015 by killing 18 Indian soldiers in Manipur. This has been described as the worst ever attacks on the Indian Army in more than two decades in N-E. On the issue of maintaining ceasefire with the Government, difference of opinion cropped up in NSCN(K) and a new group has been formed known as NSCN(Reformation) under the leadership of two of Khaplang’s deputies — Y Wangtin Konyak and P Tikhak — on April 6, 2015. These two leaders clearly underlined the importance of the ceasefire agreement and emphasised that “violence has never served a good purpose and the Naga political problem can only be resolved through peace and negotiation.” Primarily the NSCN(R) is aiming to “develop a sense of brotherhood among the Naga family and to rebuild the trust and faith among the Naga society.”
With these internal fightings and rivalries in mind, what has prompted the Modi Government to take the final call on the most intricate insurgency problem of the NEIJ It has come to the limelight that the poor health of NSCN(IM) Chairman Isak (who is currently undergoing treatment in Delhi) has finally brought the agreement closer. Also in recent years, the NSCN Unification group has threatened that no “outsiders” would be allowed to be a part of the agreement on Nagaland’s future. It was mainly targeted at Muivah (a Naga from Manipur), hence the consent or presence of the “only Naga leader from Nagaland” i.e. Isak was of great significance in concluding the deal with Delhi. Notwithstanding the continuous and timely efforts of Centre’s interlocutor RN Ravi and the willingness of the NSCN(IM) leadership, the timeless contribution offered by the Church, Civil Society Organisations like Naga Ho Ho and the media needs to be highly appreciated. As of date, the details of the agreement is not been made available to public. It is to be seen how a group like NSCN(IM) in particular and the Nagas in general, who had launched their journey to the land of ‘Imagined Communities (Benedict Andersen), i.e. Greater Nagalim way back in 1918, could forego the same and live happily in Nagaland once again.
Sources close to the Government disclosed that the Centre could go for devolution of more powers to Nagaland under provisions of Article 371(A) of our Constitution. Hope Delhi would soon involve Assam, Arunachal and Manipur as significant portions of these States used to be within the brackets of the proposed Greater Nagalim. The derailing of the peace deal could be possible unless the Government brings the other NSCN factions like NSCN(K) and NSCN(R) to the discussion table. The agreement is more of a victory for the ordinary Naga people than its leadership because the Indian Government has finally recognised the unique history and culture of Nagas, and brought them as equal partners in the nation-building process.
Delhi’s leap frogging with the Nagas must come to an end which in turn would display the sense of sincerity of the leadership of Modi. While engaging the key stakeholders in finalising the details of the agreement, the current NNC leader and daughter of Phizo, Adinno Phizo must be brought along. Recently she asserted, “The indisputable right is that Nagas are not Indians and Nagaland is not (an) Indian territory. The Nagas have every right to be a nation. Hence the NNC is the guardian of Nagaland. let no Nagas be confused with this Naga national stand.” At the moment unless a full concerted effort is geared up, dissenting voices like this would jeopardise the peace deal.
However longing for lasting peace, tranquility and sustained development should be given a chance and this time Delhi must not treat the Nagas what once George Bernard Shaw said: “The worst sin against our fellow human beings is not to hate them, but to be indifferent toward them; that is the essence of man’s inhumanity to man.” Hope Modi will not fail the Naga cause in particular and popular sentiment of N-E in general and also duly ensures the territorial integrity of Assam, Arunachal and Manipur.