Modi's USP has been that he has refused to compromise. He has refused to practise vote-bank politics by wearing a skull cap or hosting Iftaar parties. He has refused to identify fellow Indians as Muslims, Dalits, Christians and Adivasis
Beating all odds, vehement opposition from within and outside, a vicious campaign not even sparing his personal life, international boycott, Narendra Damodardas Modi has come out with flying colours in the 2014 referendum, much to the discomfiture of the self-proclaimed champions of secularism, some of whom even threatened to leave the country in the event of his becoming the Prime Minister. Mr Modi’s greatest achievement is in installing the first ever majority non-Congress Government in the country post-independence. Besides Mr Modi’s image and personal charisma, many other factors contributed to this unprecedented victory. Among others, they included the mass mobilisation undertaken by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and other nationalist organisations, the devolution of responsibility to master strategists such as Mr Amit Shah, the extensive use of the social media, the harnessing of the audio visual media et al.
Of course, corruption, price rise, misgovernance etc of the UPA Government contributed immensely to the BJP kitty, as party stalwart lK Advani observed. But the real architect of the BJP should have been a little more large-hearted to concede that it was not just an anti-UPA vote but also a positive vote for Mr Modi, for good governance, for a corruption-free India. Mr Modi reflected the aspirations of the youth and the middle class.
But above all, it was a Hindu assertion. Fed up with decades of appeasement indulged in by the ruling and other opposition parties, with the Prime Minister even audaciously declaring that minorities had the first right over the nation’s resources and several Ministers and Chief Ministers bending over backwards to please the Muslim electorate, even compromising on issues such as terrorism, the majority community felt it was high time to exercise its veto. These voters wanted the political class to realise that while they were at home with the idea of secularism more than any other community since time immemorial, they don’t want to be taken for granted and treated as second class citizens in their own country — a country they revere as their mother and holy land.
Thus, while the likes of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav, Ms Mayawati, Mr Ajit Singh and lalu Prasad were desperately trying to build alliances with the minorities, they conveniently forgot that the castes they represented, whether it be Dalits or Yadavs, were essentially Hindus. The Yadavs of Uttar Pradesh were so concerned over the free-hand given to rank communal elements such as Mr Azam Khan and the narrow appeals made by their leadership, that they started identifying themselves with their larger Hindu identity. Our ancient scriptures have taught us that even an excess of nectar can turn into poison, but in their quest for the elusive minority votes, short-sighted leaders refused to realise that they were crossing the proverbial lakshman Rekha. Thus, the general election 2014 turned into an assertion of pan-Hindu identity.
While it is essential that development has to be inclusive and all communities have an equal right under the Indian sun, the desperate and unscrupulous manner in which the ruling class went around turning ‘Hindu’ into a dirty word, backfired. The Hindu is an extremely meek, patient and tolerant being. But then as they say beware of the wrath of the innocent. And as the Holy Bible predicts, the meek has finally inherited the earth. The 2014 poll outcome was as much a Hindu backlash as much as a vote for change.
Mr Modi’s USP has been that unlike Mr Advani, who chose to deify the creator of Pakistan with an eye on the Prime Minister’s chair, he has refused to compromise. Despite provocations and fears of losing secular votes, he refused to practise vote-bank politics by wearing a skull cap or hosting Iftaar parties. He refused to identify fellow Indians as Muslims, Dalits, Christians and Adivasis. He always spoke about the 125 crore Indians, which he reiterated even in his first public meeting at Vadodara following the historic win. Many panellists on television channels, used to the conventional practices of tokenism and appeasement, were insisting that Mr Modi give a special assurance to the minorities about their safety and security. But pray, who created the scare in the first placeIJ Except some perverted statements from one or two party leaders, the entire campaign did not witness the prime ministerial candidate uttering a single syllable against the minorities.
Rather, his statements such as Muslims having both the Holy Quran and computers in their hands, and the overriding theme of justice for all and appeasement of none, found reflection in the party’s election manifesto. A special reassurance would have tantamounted to the very tokenism to which most secular parties have fallen prey. True, a sizeable section of the minorities, like their majority counterparts, are in a bad shape even 65 years after independence. A weak child in the family needs special care but that has to be in form of nutritious food not lollypops.
There are also suggestions that now that he will be the Prime Minister, Mr Modi should change his style and attitude. Sorry, the people voted for this very trademark of his. They don’t want another Mr Manmohan Singh up there.
Interestingly, this pandering to tokenism cost the BJP its first Government in 2004. In its attempt to become more ‘acceptable’, the Vajpayee Government resorted to desperate steps, including announcement of recruitment of lakhs of Urdu teachers (without putting the infrastructure in place), enhanced Haj subsidies, which went against the tenets of Islam that favours pilgrims spending from their own pockets, reluctance to expatriate illegal Bangladeshis in the country and taking the support of rank communal leaders such as the Shahi Imam of Delhi’s Jama Masjid.
The BJP’s core Hindutva agenda is not just about the Uniform Civil Code, abrogation of Article 370, construction of the Ram temple, ban on cow slaughter etc, as is widely believed, but also about addressing key concerns regarding Pakistan, terrorism, national security, national self-respect and pride. From the attack on the Red Fort to Parliament, Kargil and Kandahar, the BJP-led Government was found wanting in its response and looked weaker than even the Congress.
The opulence and arrogance of upstart Ministers who were not accessible even to the party’s supporters, forget being helpful, also turned the tide against the Congress. While it is laudable that Ministers don’t bend rules to accommodate their kith and kin, it becomes offensive when a people’s representative puts a board outside his residence telling his voters not to approach him for jobs, transfers, gas connections and sundry help. For what else would a voter approach his elected representativeIJ To overcome systemic hurdles which is denying him basic facilities. With many Ministers indulging in corrupt practices, it was like the devil quoting scriptures when they read out the rule book to their voters.
Coalition partners were also seen fighting one another, leaving little time for governance. One of the secrets behind the left Front’s success in West Bengal for 35-odd years was the manner in which it penetrated the administration and other systems/tools of governance with people who understood the party, its ideology and mission. In the absence of this, the old system which remains loyal to the earlier dispensation sabotages all the innovative steps taken by the new Government. Much like in the US, it is important that highly qualified and professional people who are equally committed to the leader’s vision and philosophy, are placed in the right quarters to ensure that the goals are achieved and the goods delivered.
With a majority of its own, the BJP cannot hide behind the excuse of coalition compulsions for any failure in implementing the agenda of good governance. Whether it is diplomacy, internal security or inflation, rhetoric alone won’t work for long. The people voted for change, and the change has to be seen crystal clear.
(The author is a senior journalist based in Delhi)