Even though Sistani's fatwa is all for defending the land and the Shia shrines, many political analysts doubt about his real intentions. To them, Sistani’s appeal will intensify the sectarian war. let's see how Sistani's call, backed by the State force, finally wrests control of the vital parts of Iraq from the ISIS
Grand Ayatollah Al-Sayyid Ali al-Husseini al-Sistani, one of the most revered Shia clerics of the world, had given a call to arm against the dreaded Islamic State (ISIS) in June 2014. His influence across the Shia world is unrivalled as he rarely involves himself in politics or any military strategy of the Governments. His fatwa was more than just a call as it was done under grave circumstances. Normally, he follows a Shia doctrine of “quietism”, which steadfastly advances Islamic principles, but shuns a political role for its religious preachers. That is why the reclusive leader issued the fatwa to rein in many of his followers and experts on Iraq. And, he foresaw an imminent threat to the entire Shia community with the forward movement of the ISIS and its loose alliance with disenfranchised Sunni tribes and insurgent gangs. Indeed, it was a potential threat to the survival of the Iraqi Government. Thus, his call was backed by the apprehension of Iraq’s disintegration which appeared imminent in the last two years.
Today, the post-war Iraq is in a shambles. Though it has brought back an elected Government much before the US-led troops left the war-torn country, it has remained a virtual conflict zone till date. Removing brutal dictator Saddam Hussain was not a solution, rather it has added a number of problems for the Iraqi citizens. After his departure, the deep wounds in the Iraqi society have raised their ugly heads in a much more forceful and destructive manner. With his fall, the installed Government of Nouri al-Maliki could hardly herald any change, except widening the gap between the majority Shias and the minority Sunnis. Even if the new Government considerably represented all the three major sections — the Shias, the Sunnis and the Kurds — the post-Saddam era has witnessed mushrooming of jehadi forces and came almost to the brink of ripping Iraq apart. The most disastrous impact after the American invasion came in the form of the emergence of the al-Qaeda splinter groups. They altogether pushed the nation to a point of no return. Out of all these radical groups, the rise of the ISIS on the ashes of the American invasion has almost shaken the entire West Asia and nearly redrawn the boundaries of the region, albeit temporarily. The arrival of the ISIS to the region has brought in a resurgent phase in militant Islamic radical path. Needless to say, the ISIS has been able to earmark a new territory of its own, defying both the global governance institutions and the sovereign authorities of almost all the States of West Asia. And most noticeably, its heaviest impact has fallen on two States —first Iraq, and then Syria. As ISIS is purely a Sunni insurgent group, its assault has been entirely directed against Shias.
The ISIS has implemented greater violence on the ground with the help of well-equipped force, finance, technology and global network. Much of the reason for the rise of the ISIS lies in the mismanagement of the post-Saddam Iraqi Government led by Shia Prime Minister Maliki. His partisan attitude towards the minority Sunnis, who were dethroned from power by the US-led coalition forces, added fuel to the fire. Moreover, after the Western forces gradually started withdrawing from Iraq in 2010, the local Government too failed in convincing the Sunnis, who felt unsafe, that they are safe under the Shia dispensation.
And after Maliki left office, his successor Haider al-Abadi could hardly contain the unrest. But, sensing trouble with the impeding rise of the ISIS in the belt, Maliki only formally established the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) or known in Arabic as ‘al-Hashd al-Shaabi’.
Majority of the Shias support the umbrella group PMF in its war against the ISIS. Strictly guided by Sistani’s fatwa called ‘al-wajib al-kifai’ which underlines that the number of fighters should be restricted to only as many as required to combate the ISIS, PMF got overwhelming support.
“We in Parliament, in the Government, and in all places, have as our top issues that al-Hashd al-Shaabi is trained, armed and paid”.
As the Iraqi State is in deep financial mess, because of its massive investment in continued wars since 2003, its forces are paid barely, whereas the PMF like entities are paying considerably well to its fighters.
Another reason that attracts the recruits is the objective to protect the historically significant Shia religious sites across Iraq.
Indeed, Sistani’s much talked about fatwa first called to protect the holy shrines and then to liberate their homelands from both the internal and external enemies — mostly the ISIS. This has driven thousands to come forward to sacrifice their lives.
Besides, the State’s army and particularly the Ministry of Defence (MOD) are widely considered corrupt. Simultaneously, the PMF is viewed as corruption free and its leadership has maintained a clean image so far.
The sheer extent of such a large recruitment to the PMF may seem to be like a form of conscription. But there is none as such, but it can’t be denied altogether in an indirect way. From the beginning of its formation, it has been observed that various Government officials, political parties and the religious establishment are all there behind the grand recruitment process.
For instance, the country’s top Shia politicians like Hamoudi, who is a member of the Ammar al-Hakim’s Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, one of the largest Shia political parties, directly supervises both the establishment of recruitment camps and training grounds for the PMF.
At the same time, Abadi is keen to institutionalise the PMF. Thus, many politicians and officials are calling for fresh recruitments through Government websites.
Moreover, the funds for the management of the PMF is now under the control of the Prime Minister, so he desires to use the power of the purse to wrest control of the group from the hands of the sub-State actors, militias and well-known proxies who all have their own vested interests in the process.
But then will Sistani’s grand call to fight the demons of the ISIS bring an end to the jihadisIJ Is it not going to fuel another series of sectarian wars against the minorities, particularly the SunnisIJ Is it a good sign that the sub-State actors are increasingly taking precedence over the nation-State in IraqIJ
To be precise, his call to prevent the macabre cruelties and fast advancements of the ISIS can be treated as a timely deterrent for now. His is a rare call, unlike many other Islamic clerics who intervene regularly in State affairs. It will certainly consolidate the community against murderers.
Considering his massive religious appeal, the State can bank on it, as it is doing for right now, and this will be an added force for the restive country, in the days to come.
Even though Sistani’s fatwa is all for defending the land and the shrines as the PMF advocates, but many political analysts doubt about his real intentions. To them, Sistani’s appeal will intensfity the sectarian war and this will weaken the country’s already tumultuous political atmosphere.
let’s see how Sistani’s call backed by the State force finally wrest control of the vital parts of Iraq from the ISIS in the days to come.
(The writer is Senior Editor, The Pioneer)