

New Delhi needs both nations’ help to advance its trade, anti-terror agenda
US President Donald Trump's visit to Saudi Arabia has gone off better than many had expected. President Trump allayed fears of being aggressive in his approach when he told his hosts that he had arrived not to lecture them but to seek their cooperation in multiple areas, including countering terrorism. This must have gladdened the Saudis who were wondering if President Trump would annoy them with his oft-stated belligerence. But then, they ought to have got the message early on, when he made Saudi Arabia his first port of call abroad after assuming office. It had become clear that President Trump, despite his inhibitions and personal opinions on a Saudi role in creating a terrorism-free world, was willing to engage with the kingdom. His new warmth means that the $110 billion arms package that the US has lined up for the Saudi nation will go through without a hitch. Of course, this fits in with Trump's desire to create jobs for Americans in America, since the arms deal will boost manufacturing within the US in the defence sector. From the Indian perspective, the US's outreach to Saudi Arabia should not ordinarily be a matter of concern. New Delhi too has stepped up its engagement with the Saudis and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has had successful talks with the Saudi leadership in the recent past. Besides, any cooperation in matters of anti-terrorism is welcome. The problem lies elsewhere.
President Trump has used the Saudi outreach to send a stern message to Iran, seen as the other major Islamic nation seeking, like Saudi Arabia, to extend its influence not just in the region but the Islamic world as well. He actually called the Saudi-led Sunni alliance to counter a nation which had “fuelled the fires of sectarianism and terror”. He did not name Iran but the inference was not lost on anyone. India surely cannot endorse such partisanship. It has had good relations with both Saudi Arabia and Iran — in fact, even during the West-driven economic sanctions' period, New Delhi had consistently reached out to Iran and found ways to conduct business with it without violating international norms. For now, India and Iran are deeply engaged in cultural and economic matters, and Indian involvement in the development of Iran's Chabahar port is just one such instance. There is no way that New Delhi can endorse Trump's version of Iran. India also cannot antagonise Saudi Arabia. For one, the Saudi nation has a large number of Indians employed there, and this fetches considerable foreign exchange back home. Saudi Arabia is also an important country which can help India in deepening its relations with other nations in the region, especially the Sunni-dominated Muslim countries. This is perhaps one reason why New Delhi refused to comment openly on Saudi Arabia's decision to appoint former Pakistan Army chief General Raheel Sharif as head of a Saudi-led Islamic military alliance, ostensibly to fight terrorism.