Despite some positive changes in the way society perceives women, Indian polity is yet to catch up with popular opinion. Politicians are behind the curve
Mansi is a Class X graduate and a mother of two. She always expected her role to be limited to the household. But last year, when her husband was laid off from work, to make ends meet, she took the role of a district coordinator in setting up self-help groups. Mansi hails from a State known for its female foeticide and gender imbalance. Her household reflected this deep-rooted prejudice where she was expected to take a back seat in all decisions as her husband would lead. But when she took up her new job, dynamics in her household changed.
Within a few months of her employment, she took charge of the finances. This meant that she decided on various topics — whether her children would have a maths tutor; her leaky roof would be fixed; or the monthly amount spent on groceries. When the household ran efficiently, her work improved as well. Proving her ability to deliver, within six months of her joining, she was able to get her husband a part-time role in the organisation as well. Mansi’s approach towards the society changed too.
Mansi’s story is not a blip on the radar but a trend taking place across India. The informal economy is growing rapidly and has become the entry point for hundreds and thousands of women. While multi-lateral agencies are announcing a decrease of women in the formal workforce in their studies, they are significantly discounting the role of the informal economy and how it is empowering and organising women. With the Goods and Services Tax, much of the rural India is struggling with men being laid off from the formal economy. But women are being pushed to take up roles in the informal economy and become the bread winner. For those of us who work in grassroots community, the rise of an increasingly confident and strong women in rural India is apparent.
Being employed has meant a renewed perspective for most women. She no longer sees herself as an extension of the men in her life, but as an independent agent who is increasingly taking on decision-making roles. Unfortunately, the Indian polity doesn’t perceive her that way as yet. The consequence is a major blind spot in Indian politics towards the emboldened Indian women. In the 2018 Karnataka elections, 10 of the 33 districts had majority women and the State saw a whopping 72 per cent voter turnout. Pink polling booths were setup to ensure increased participation of women during elections. Unfortunately, beyond getting the women’s vote, little else was done to represent the gender on the ballot. For example, only seven per cent of all candidates were women, and in the manifesto, issues of women’s safety only scratched the surface on concerns for women. Core issues, like economic and educational opportunities for women, have barely been discussed.
There have been little concerted efforts by political parties and leaders. Only a few anomalies, like Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar introducing prohibition of alcohol in his State and the Congress appeasing grieving mothers who have been victim to drug pandemic, have come up in the last few years. Both examples, however, have shown what impact women can have on the ballot when they are appealed to correctly. Other half-hearted efforts, like introducing fast-track courts, have also been made to reach out to women. However, because the judicial system remains fairly inefficient, few women reacted such moves. Several studies have speculated about the independent mind of the women during 2014 election. They suggested that the introduction of EVMs that anonymised votes, and increasing empowerment of women at a grassroots level meant that women would no longer listen to their husbands or fathers but vote independently. An independent vote means political parties now need to rethink their strategy towards appealing for women’ss vote.
One of the most tested ways to get women’s vote is to organise women into a voting bloc and have their interests represented to political leaders. This kind of mobilisation has been a key part of how minorities in India have sought out their demands. For example, in 1970s, Kanshi Ram organised and led the Dalit community and actively worked to create a single platform that represented their interests. The mobilisation eventually converted to a party and then gained a political voice. Now, India lacks a similar women’s movement.
Few countries, like the US, have institutionalised emboldened voice of women through organisations like the National Organisation for Women (NOW). The role of the NOW is to take on some core concerns that are faced by women from across the spectrum and use it to advocate for women’s rights on the political front. Given the significant number of female voters, the NOW has gained a strong voice in DC. India needs a similar agency. In the last few years, may like Mansi have found a new voice. They are confident and independent-minded. The lens through which women view the world is changing. Unfortunately, the polity in India is not seeing this as yet. If political parties are unable to catch up to this newly emerging perspective, it is most likely that they will be left behind.
(The writer is the author of ‘What Makes a Politician’)