The NAMO Story
Author: Kingshuk Nag
Publisher: Roli, Rs 295
Despite its limitations, Kingshuk Nag’s book is an important addition to the literature on Narendra Modi and helps us understand the politician better, writes Rajesh Singh
Kingshuk Nag set out to write a book on Narendra Modi that, in his words, would neither “lionise” nor “demonise” the Chief Minister of Gujarat. But given the strong emotions that Modi arouses among people, even within the so-called bipartisan crowd to which Nag perhaps believes he belongs to, the author must have had a difficult time in keeping his narrative sentiment-free and yet at the same time not making it so sanitised that the balancing act subtracted from reflecting his subject in all the hues which make up the senior BJP leader’s personality and explain his style of functioning. It must be said that Nag gave it a fair chance, though he does end up a bit on the negative side of Modi’s portrayal.
The book is a breezy account of Modi’s rise from complete obscurity even within his party to a national figure who is avidly followed, particularly by his adversaries — if only to be roundly condemned. It traces his early days with the RSS and the sense of identity and purpose which the organisation gave him. It is something that Modi has repeatedly emphasised. Of course in the decades to come, as he grew bigger in stature as a politician, he did come into conflict with the parent body or its associates. Yet, despite all the ensuing differences, it cannot be said today that the two have disowned each other.
Modi’s initial days of rise in importance both within the RSS and the BJP to which he was loaned — and where he has remained put permanently — also coincided with a host of developments in Gujarat, which the author has sketched out. In fact, it can be said that those developments throughout the 1970s helped a young Modi to mould his politics and ideology which paid him dividends in the years later. The Congress had split into two factions, one each led by Indira Gandhi and the “home-bred” Morarji Desai; Chimanbhai Patel had arm-twisted the Congress leadership into appointing him as Chief Minister; Gujarat was hit by a severe drought; people of the State had revolted over prices of essential goods skyrocketing; students across the State came into the streets on a variety of issues. Citizens alleged the Chief Minister had been taking cuts from edible oil traders. He came to be called “Chiman chor” and had to quit. later on came Emergency which changed the politics of the country and set the stage for a change in Gujarat’s politics as well. Modi was a bit player in all this in those early years, but he was learning.
But, before he went into the flashback mode, Nag began with the future, asking tantalisingly in the very first chapter, “Can he become Prime MinisterIJ” After perusing the content, readers will be none the wiser on the issue. Nag depends on the sagacity of a Congress leader to slip in a view that may well be his own — except that maybe he does not want to own it for fear of sounding partisan. It is this: “Muslims in Gujarat — to some extent — may have made their peace with Modi, but in minority circles across the nation, he is nothing but a hate figure.” Earlier, the author falls back on another Congress favourite: ‘We wanted Modi to win decisively in Gujarat so that he could stake claim in New Delhi. This way minority votes across the country will polarise in our favour.’ It’s amazing that a seasoned journalist such as Nag could seem to fall for this simplistic logic. After all, even if the minority votes polarise, they can go against the BJP led by Modi, but split in favour of a variety of regional parties and the Congress. In any case, minority votes across the country have never overwhelmingly voted for the BJP, even when Atal Bihari Vajpayee was at the helm. It is, thus, a futile exercise that the author has indulged in while trying to understand the ‘Muslim factor’ in Modi’s ambitions. Though he accepts that Modi’s candidature can lead to a “counter-consolidation” of the Hindu votes, he is not certain of the extent that will happen.
According to Nag, and which is accepted by many bipartisan observers, Modi may have to battle his own senior party leaders for the top position. The author mentions some: lK Advani, Sushma Swaraj and even Arun Jaitley (who is said to be very close to the Gujarat Chief Minister one day and not so close another day). Eventually, Nag accepts that Modi can surmount the internal challenges. He says, “Though it is a fait accompli that Modi will be the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, can he actually pull of a victory and occupy South BlockIJ” That question predictably leads to a flurry of analyses which the author offers to draw up a pessimistic scenario of that happening. He opines, “It is only in the event of the BJP getting a majority on its own, that is 272 seats out of the total of 543 seats in the lok Sabha, that Modi could become the executive head of the country without a hitch.” Excellent, except that Nag fails to mention that the BJP hardly has a chance to get those 272 seats on its own without first projecting Modi as the prime ministerial candidate.
There can be no account of the Gujarat Chief Minister’s life and politics without dwelling on the 2002 violence. He remains permanently stained in the eyes of his adversaries for the riots that claimed the lives of many Muslims in the State. While it is a fact that Modi has repeatedly refused to discuss the issue, much less express regret or an apology for those terrible days, the fact also is that people in Gujarat want to move on and not keep harping on something that divided the State so deeply. They point out that the matter is with the courts and that flogging it for political gains is wrong. In the chapter, Riots and After, Nag recounts Naroda Patiya, Best Bakery, Noorani Masjid, and many more. “The law of the jungle prevailed”, he comments. The author then goes on to editorialise: “I can say with authority that any government that showed such indifference in controlling the carnage elsewhere in the country would have been dismissed immediately and the State put under President’s rule.” Indeed, can Nag recount if that had happened in the case of the 1984 anti-Sikh carnage in Delhi under Congress ruleIJ Of course, as Chief Minister, Modi had to take the rap for the violence in his State. But he has been taking that rap for a decade now.
Despite its many warts, Nag’s book is an important addition to the literature on Modi and helps us understand the enigmatic politician better. The few exceptional instances apart, it wisely leaves the reader to make a value judgement on the Gujarat Chief Minister.