Sharecroppers continue to face injustice in Odisha

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The issues of sharecroppers and agricultural workers have been neglected in the State due to lack of serious political determination. Though all the sharecroppers have not been identified by the State Government, but privately, it is estimated that about 70 per cent of the cultivation is being done by sharecroppers through verbal negotiations.

The State Government has no data about the population size of farmers. The most recent data shared by the Agriculture Minister in the State Assembly have revealed about the decrease in number of farmers during last five years. It is therefore clear that many of the farmer-centric initiatives of the Government have not been reaching to the real beneficiaries and have thus delivered no substantial change in the agrarian sector of the State.

A majority of the farmers those who committed suicide last year were from marginalized groups and about 70 per cent of them were sharecroppers.

This year also there has been regular news of farmer suicide and distress condition in different parts of the State. The growing discontent among farmers, sharecroppers and agricultural workers has been reflected in many forums and it has wider ramification in the State economy and politics.

The most neglected section in agriculture sector is the sharecroppers and agricultural workers who are getting very least political attention in spite of their vulnerability and deteriorating condition. The Census 2011 says there were 67.40 lakh agricultural workers in the State which is more than 60 per cent of the total workforce of the State. It is said in Odisha Economic Survey 2015 that out of total workforce about one in two males and two in three females were engaged in agricultural activities either as cultivator or agricultural worker. They have been lowly paid under the category of unskilled and sustain without secure employment throughout the year. In recent time, mechanisation of agriculture promoted through huge Government input subsidy, credit with lower rate of interest, coupled with failure of MGNREGS, have pushed agricultural workers to further distress and forced them for seasonal migration. The potentialities of non-farm activities have not been developed as viable alternative for surplus rural agricultural workers. The food subsidy under PDS limited to rice and wheat provided to rural poor including agricultural workers is very minimal to meet the daily need of a family. It is difficult to meet the other basic needs such as housing,  dress, healthcare, education of children and social functions in social life. In the absence of local employment, there has been uncontrolled distress migration from almost every part of the State by agricultural workers in search of livelihood just to manage the family.

When they are outside the State, the working condition at workplace, wage rate and protection from mental and physical exploitation of migrant workers have been a matter of concern. For a long time there has been no State initiative to arrest such vulnerable conditions by promoting social security measures and employment for rural agricultural workers.

In spite of a hue and cry by the Government and others, the issue of distress sale has not been settled. While the land owning farmers have identity cards but a majority of sharecroppers have been facing problem to sell their produces through Government agencies through online registration. Virtually in distress, they are forced to sell it to private parties at through away prices, even less than the production cost.

The rice mill owners and their agents in villages are enjoying an upper hand of negotiation with sharecroppers. The recent arrangement of Government to purchase paddy has not served the purpose and it has become a matter of public concern in the State. The Central Government extends MSP support to purchase through FCI and State agencies. The State also declared bonus over MSP and engaged societies which include primary agricultural society, women self-help groups, Panipanchayat to directly procure paddy from the farmers who have got registered online. The minimum support price of common grade paddy per quintal was Rs 580 with Rs 40 bonus in 2006 has increased to Rs 1,470 to Rs 1,510 in the year 2016-17 but considering the increase in prices of all other items and input costs, it is demanded that the MSP of paddy must be Rs 5,000 per quintal. Many of the farmer organisations are protesting the continued mismanagement by the State Government in dealing with paddy procurement from the farmers. Particularly the sharecroppers are suffering in the process. The online registration system for farmers to sell the paddy has been a difficult process for the illiterate farmers.

For historical reason, there has been very weak political mobilization in the State to raise the issues of sharecroppers and agricultural workers who are the real backbone of rural agriculture. A majority of them belongs to the marginalized sections and socially vulnerable groups. The issues of land owning farmers, who are mostly absentee landlords, have been focused with an insignificant passing remark on issues of these sections. Even the farmer leaders are very critical of social security programmes for agricultural workers in rural village. They argued that social security schemes are affecting the engagement of agricultural workers in farm activities; so they have to be less paid without social security to minimize the production cost. The issues of real farmers are always swept under the carpet and take a backseat of discussion in legislative forums and public debates. The demand for price and pension for farmers is a good idea but it will not help the sharecroppers and agricultural workers because many of the existing schemes already have excluded them in the absence of legal provisions of inclusion. The different kinds of people engaged in agriculture are not socially a homogeneous group and their economic interest also varies depending on the process and stake in engagement.

The tribals constitute almost one- fourth of the population of the State and a major chunk of the tribal population is engaged in agriculture and forest-related activities with both male and female participation. There are different agro-climatic zones and method of farming is different and area specific which needs a micro attention. Particularly, the tribal farmers are facing more distress in the absence of land ownership and agricultural marketing infrastructure in their area.

There is absence of financial institutions, banks and cooperatives in their areas to transfer subsidy money directly to their accounts. So, it is very much essential to build necessary infrastructure to ensure the participation of tribal farmers. The issues of farmers in coastal area and tribal area are different in many respects and the tribals are not integrated to the larger social mobilization of farmers in the State.

It has been argued that huge subsidy money to agriculture sector by the Central Government and State Government must be proportionately inclusive of farmers, sharecroppers and agriculture workers engaged in production in order to boost the production while taking care of the people engaged in production. But unfortunately, the most marginalised section of our State engaged in agriculture production are being neglected in the State policies and programmes.

The poor condition of agricultural workers has widely impacted agriculture production of the State and shows poor development of the whole production process. The State Government must bring the desired legislation to protect the sharecroppers and implement robust welfare schemes for agricultural workers to boost agriculture production and promote wellbeing of the people engaged in agriculture.

(manasbbsr15@gmail.com)

Daily Pioneer
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