Yesterday was unforgettable Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s death anniversary, not so respectfully observed by the Modi-Shah duo-led saffron brigade. Vajpayee served as the Prime Minister from May 16, 1996 to June 1, 1996, and again from March 19, 1998 to May 22, 2004. The BJP is what today only because of the stellar role played by Vajpayee. His charm offensive, universal appeal and sharp political understanding contributed to the party’s growth since its inception. He ran a coalition of 24 parties, a feat no other BJP leader could have managed as none of them had the equations Vajpayee had across the political divide. An undisputed fact is that it is only Vajpayee’s legacy that has shaped the BJP's political supremacy today nearly messed up by the power, money-driven extremely rightist saffron brigade of today.
Vajpayee is the singular force that can be credited with putting the India-US relations on course for the strategic partnership that exists today. Vajpayee’s sincerest attempts to reset nearly irretrievable India-Pakistan ties occupy history pages with embossed golden letters. The ‘New Delhi to Lahore’ bus service project was signed in 1999. Vajpayee himself travelled to Pakistan on the inaugural day which resulted in both the sides signing a pact that made mandatory to inform each other ahead of any missile tests by way of a major confidence-building measure. The Kargil incursion by Pakistani army regulars just weeks later put paid to that effort as did an attack on India’s Parliament in December 2001. But that saw India mobilise its troops on the border with Pakistan. Still, Vajpayee made yet another last effort in 2003 to extend a hand of friendship to Pakistan which resulted in both the countries agreeing to stop cross-border firing, an understanding that is held up as a major confidence-building move between the two countries to this day. These two events had occurred after the unsuccessful July 2001 Agra Summit hosted by Vajpayee with Pakistan’s military ruler General Pervez Musharraf attending it. In 2004, Vajpayee travelled to Pakistan for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation Summit where Pakistan agreed not to allow its soil to be used for anti-India activities.
Vajpayee had created a separate disinvestment department in 1999 under Arun Shourie. Despite strong opposition from many, his trusted Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha had said in 1998-99 the government would hold only 26% in loss-making public sector undertakings (PSUs) while keeping the majority stakes in strategic PSUs. With 30 strategic sales between 1999 and 2004 including Balco, Hindustan Zinc, Videsh Sanchar Nigam Ltd and many government-run hotels, Vajpayee’s record of disinvestment remains unsurpassed to this day.
India and China had chosen special envoys to demarcate their unsettled border in 2003. Vajpayee, for very strategic reasons, recognised Tibet as part of China only to ensure China recognised Sikkim as a State of India. Vajpayee put the India-US relations on course for reaping grand dividends for all times. It was India’s nuclear tests in 1998 that had flung apart both the great democracies. The initial US’ aim was ‘cap, roll back and eliminate' India’s nuclear programme, which was successfully resisted. Vajpayee took the‘Next Steps in the Strategic Partnership' through talks that laid the foundations for the landmark India-US nuclear deal clinched in 2008.
Dismantling the administered price mechanism (APM) for petroleum products was first proposed by Congress Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao and set in motion by the United Front government led by Prime Minister IK Gujral. In April 2002, the Vajpayee Government dismantled the APM giving pricing power on petrol and diesel to the state-run oil marketing companies.
Vajpayee’s vision of the Golden Quadrilateral made India a truly connected nation, a feat no other politicalvisionary had ever thought of. Similar was the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana to connect villages across India. Further, under his leadership, a politically bold and difficult decision to reduce the administered interest rates guaranteed on provident fund investments and small savings was taken. The idea of Aadhaar was first mooted after the Kargil war. A national identity was urgent to avoid national security issues.
Significantly, Vajpayee had never wanted a ‘Hindu Raj' as he was hateful of theocrats of any hue.
There would have been no NDA Government in 1998 had Vajpayee not been the face of BJP. Vajpayee had friends in all other political parties despite the fact that many of those political stalwarts had an aversion to the BJP’s rightist ideology. Notable among them was Narasimha Rao, with whom he got along just too well.
Vajpayee was a centrist during his rule to keep the coalition intact. Many NDA partners today cite his example of handling allies to take on extremists Modi and Amit Shah. At one point when his close friend Narasimha Rao had appealed to convince his Finance Minister Manmohan Singh not to get fazed by criticism in vain, Vajpayee by way of an aide, reportedly told Singh that opposition’s barbs are a part of democracy not to be taken personally. Vajpayee also stood by another of his predecessors, Chandrashekar. All this was in pure national interest. Most BJP office-bearers belonged to LK Advani’s camp, but Vajpayee ran the PMO with his own team comprising Jaswant Singh and Brajesh Mishra. All the same, his strong personality ensured that he had his way. Even the RSS would eventually toe his line.
Atal Bihari, the great son of India, left for his heavenly abode in 2018, bringing an end to an unparalleled political legacy. Modi and Shah, his hand-made creatures, do not seem to be living up to his great nation-building ideals for there is no big news about their heartfelt mourning saintlyVajpayee’s demise yesterday.