Will the Main Bhi Chowkidar campaign bring the citizens closer to Ambedkar’s vision or be reduced to a political jumla, asks Srikant Manas Kala
The ‘Main Bhi Chowkidar’ blitzkrieg has stumped the Opposition to the extent that the Chowkidar Chor Hai sloganeering has found its equal match. With Prime Minister Modi’s address to watchmen across the country, the narrative being spearheaded by the Congress, and actively peddled by other Opposition parties, has become a new theme song. This strategic event was not just aimed at garnering favourable optics — synchronised as it was with a strong action against Nirav Modi — or to successfully dismantle the counter- narrative being pushed by the Chowkidar Chor Hai campaign. Even in the short-term, the tactical manoeuvre had far deeper objectives. But perhaps like most of Modi’s strategies, the Main Bhi Chowkidar crusade has been inspired by a far-sighted vision that lies beyond the ideological realm and has the potential to trigger a socio-political metamorphosis. The campaign is counterpoised against conventional power structures, undermining and even subverting them, one self-proclaimed Chowkidar at a time. For if everyone becomes a Chowkidar, little room will remain for traditional power brokers.
These thekedaars or contractors operate within a semi-feudal societal structure, which treats the common citizens, especially the marginalised, as powerless serfs. In such socio-political structures, the individual is disenfranchised and a collective is identified as the fundamental unit of power. More often than not, such collectives are artificial, authoritarian and have very low avenues for upward mobility. As a result, a few influential people monopolise power, authority and control. What’s worse is that they suspend individual rights within these collectives to question their authority, depriving him/her the fundamental right as enshrined in the Constitution. A prime example is the almost tyrannical hereditary power succession in most political parties in our country, which is meekly accepted by their constituents, party workers and the voter base alike.
Perhaps the Main Bhi Chowkidar campaign is aimed at taking the dictatorship of collectives head-on and challenging it through the ideals of individualism. BR Ambedkar had envisioned an India of empowered individuals, who could think for themselves and the fellow citizen, who would question authoritarianism of the state and the feudal power brokers alike. The not-so-conspicuous idea behind Modi’s campaign is to project individualism as a counter to corrupt traditional collectivism in the long-term. Apart from the social goal of liberating an individual from the tyranny of collectivism, the BJP also stands to benefit politically. The primary challenge, real or perceived, to the party and its allies is the en masse voting patterns among various demographic sections. On the flip side, core constituents of the BJP tend to vote, based on temporal interests and personal opinions. They rally and coalesce only when there is a predominant leher, whether of Hindutva or of popular leaders. This clearly does not work in the BJP’s favour, statistically speaking.
This vote-bank politics is facilitated and perpetuated by religious, political power brokers and their enforcers, who succeed in coaxing, cajoling and coercing the voter to indulge in group-think and adopt a group-view. Such top-down enforcement of ideological and political view points is artificial and is often not in the best interest of the voter or other parties. A businessman from a minority section will benefit from labour reforms and cheaper credit and may naturally be inclined to vote for the BJP as there is an alignment of interests. However, indoctrination and psycho-social coercion through false narratives, that trigger irrational fear, often succeed in taking precedence over individual political interests and viewpoints. This phenomenon is clearly an impediment and an anathema to the ethos of democratic politics.
The BJP has clearly made some inroads on this front, be it in Gujarat and arguably even in Uttar Pradesh through a bottom-up, individual-centric strategy, of which Main Bhi Chowkidar campaign can be a shining example. Political mobilisation is a group phenomenon, so individuals will have to be brought together on a political platform, motivated by individual interests and on their own terms. This will ensure that the identity of an individual is not subsumed or overridden by the consequent group. The future of the BJP lies in successfully countering the traditional socio-religious collectivistic politics and creating more political space for individual rights and opinions. The party must look towards Gen Z, especially first-time voters and the Main Bhi Chowkidar campaign may play a significant role in increasing the party’s influence. Much will depend on whether it is relegated to a tactical political battle or grows into a movement that enables every citizen to become an empowered and conscious Chowkidar.
To enable this campaign to truly transcend the political landscape and pervade the larger social spectrum, it will also require the BJP to gradually steer away from hard Hindutva as it is in itself an overarching collective narrative. For individualistic socio-political thought to permeate the political sub-conscious of the masses, religious affiliations will have to be resigned to the private space. Otherwise, the very idea of awakening individual political consciousness will lie betrayed. The only acceptable ‘collective’ that can co-exist with and sustain the Main Bhi Chowkidar campaign is the collective of all citizens, despite their diversity.
(The writer is a researcher)